RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색

인기 검색어

    다국어 입력

    http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

    변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

    예시)
    • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
    • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
    닫기

    大院君政權의 權力基盤과 改革政策 = (The) political foundation and reform policies of Daewongun

    한글로보기

    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T10045484

    • 0

      상세조회
    • 0

      다운로드
    서지정보 열기
    • 내보내기
    • 내책장담기
    • 공유하기
    • 오류접수

    부가정보

    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    Daewongun Lee Ha-eung is known as a reformative politician during the period of the modern Korea in transition. Studies on relations between Daewongun and political power have been limited to a kind of dichotomy described as conservatism vs. progression and affirmation vs. negation. The limitation of the studies results from the lack of verification about his domestic and foreign policies for reform. The studies on his domestic policies cannot clarify the meaning of affirmation and negation; those on foreign policies mainly point out the fact that he did not understand the Western civilization and brought on the delay in the development of Korea. It cannot be said that the Western ideas and civilization could modernize Korea those days and that he is a conservative politician only in terms of foreign policies based on ostracism of the West. It must be evaluated that Daewongun cannot be confined by the dichotomy of affirmation and negation, but estimated by unified understanding. This dissertation is a study on Daewongun, his political foundation, and the real state of the reform policy. First, it is on the political source of Daewongun's power, and the power structure and process of the Joseon Dynasty which enabled Daewongun to exercise authority. Second, it is on the existence of Jongchinbu as an institute of Daewongun's power source, especially on reinforcement of Jongchinbu and the political roles of its members. Third, it is on the relation of Daewongun's political power and his political purposes, which is studied in terms that his reform policy means the extension of his political power. Last, it is on the factors of his political collapse in terms of the use of his political power and the limit of his political source. The result of the dissertation can be summarized like the following. Daewongun established the foundation of his political authority mainly through Jongchingu and he exercised his formal and legal power through it. Daewongun's authority was practiced by the king's right to appoint cabinet members of the Dynasty and it was a process of policy and considered a legal system. Before then the Kim tribe from Andong had monopolized the matters of finance, military affairs, and officialdom through Bibyeonsa. In this situation Daewongun strengthened the kindred of the king and established the basis of enforced royal authority. Daewongun was mainly concerned about the reconstruction of Jonchinbu and the improvement of the social and political positions occupied by the Jongchinbu members. This is regarded a preparatory stage for him to hold the reins of political power. By his efforts the position of Jongchinbu was consolidated and the social and political status of its members was elevated. Under the changed background Daewongun held real power and exercised authority in the cause of assistance to the younger king. In order to found a legal basis for his political authority, Daewongun made Jongchinbu the highest public office and as the chief of it, he was equal to king in political power. He took the place of king in the matter of appointment of the cabinet members and distributed ministers in his own faction to every major office. Deawongun's power exercise was acted within the legal process of policy and administration. His political status and position was the highest "guktaegong" though it was ideal. His will to the power was embodied by so called "daewonibunbu" of Jongchinbu. So Jongchinbu became a political structure to carry on Daewongun's policies and actualize his will to the political authority. But Jongchinbu was not equipped with any administrational divisions in its structure and it meant Jongchinbu could not be an executive organ. The political power during the period of Daewongun's seizure of power lasted in the reciprocal relation with his governing policies. The central power of Daewongun was the kindred of the king who founded their genuine status through their unique system and helped Daewongun by being distributed under the office named "euijeongbu." Daewongun held the political power to decide and execute policies formally and legally through the Jongchinbu institute for he did not assume the reins of "euijeongbu," the direct monarch system. Therefore, Daewongun in the earlier stage of his seizure of political authority was assisted by the most powerful political group, the Kim tribe from Andong and another power group named "noron," for his power was not strong enough to control them. His reform policy was performed in the way to discipline landed proprietors and verify the actual condition of memorial halls for Confucianist service to honour distinguished scholars and statesmen named "seowon." Daewongun expanded the foundation of his rein in the process of reconstruction of Gyeongbok palace and subjugation of the Western people within Joseon and commanded armaments through the establishment of "samgunbu." By these organizations and change of the offices Daewongun became to hold real power since the 7th year of the King Gojong's enthronement. In fact, it became possible for Daewongun directly to control the groups of vested rights such as the most powerful political group at that time, the Kim tribe from Andong and another power group named "noron." He carried out the policy to remove "seowon" to disorganize the power groups' political and economic foundation. His abolishment policy of "seowon" was not agreed by the King but came from himself, and it meant Daewongun grasped the kingship in person. His seizure of the sovereign system made the existence of the King insecure and the power groups of invested rights felt worry about their political status. Their sense of unstableness in political power led them to make up an anti-Daewongun group. As a result of it, the King recovered his kingship which was entrusted to Daewongun and the assistant political organization between the King and Daewongun was dissolved. So Daewongun lost the cause and justice of his executive power and authority. The King Gojong concentrated the members of the anti-Daewongun power groups and established the direct royal rule system by the reorganization of political power distribution. But the King's direct rule system did not include the changed aspects of political power and the King, accordingly, reduced the upholding foundation from the people.

    번역하기

    Daewongun Lee Ha-eung is known as a reformative politician during the period of the modern Korea in transition. Studies on relations between Daewongun and political power have been limited to a kind of dichotomy described as conservatism vs. progressi...

    Daewongun Lee Ha-eung is known as a reformative politician during the period of the modern Korea in transition. Studies on relations between Daewongun and political power have been limited to a kind of dichotomy described as conservatism vs. progression and affirmation vs. negation. The limitation of the studies results from the lack of verification about his domestic and foreign policies for reform. The studies on his domestic policies cannot clarify the meaning of affirmation and negation; those on foreign policies mainly point out the fact that he did not understand the Western civilization and brought on the delay in the development of Korea. It cannot be said that the Western ideas and civilization could modernize Korea those days and that he is a conservative politician only in terms of foreign policies based on ostracism of the West. It must be evaluated that Daewongun cannot be confined by the dichotomy of affirmation and negation, but estimated by unified understanding. This dissertation is a study on Daewongun, his political foundation, and the real state of the reform policy. First, it is on the political source of Daewongun's power, and the power structure and process of the Joseon Dynasty which enabled Daewongun to exercise authority. Second, it is on the existence of Jongchinbu as an institute of Daewongun's power source, especially on reinforcement of Jongchinbu and the political roles of its members. Third, it is on the relation of Daewongun's political power and his political purposes, which is studied in terms that his reform policy means the extension of his political power. Last, it is on the factors of his political collapse in terms of the use of his political power and the limit of his political source. The result of the dissertation can be summarized like the following. Daewongun established the foundation of his political authority mainly through Jongchingu and he exercised his formal and legal power through it. Daewongun's authority was practiced by the king's right to appoint cabinet members of the Dynasty and it was a process of policy and considered a legal system. Before then the Kim tribe from Andong had monopolized the matters of finance, military affairs, and officialdom through Bibyeonsa. In this situation Daewongun strengthened the kindred of the king and established the basis of enforced royal authority. Daewongun was mainly concerned about the reconstruction of Jonchinbu and the improvement of the social and political positions occupied by the Jongchinbu members. This is regarded a preparatory stage for him to hold the reins of political power. By his efforts the position of Jongchinbu was consolidated and the social and political status of its members was elevated. Under the changed background Daewongun held real power and exercised authority in the cause of assistance to the younger king. In order to found a legal basis for his political authority, Daewongun made Jongchinbu the highest public office and as the chief of it, he was equal to king in political power. He took the place of king in the matter of appointment of the cabinet members and distributed ministers in his own faction to every major office. Deawongun's power exercise was acted within the legal process of policy and administration. His political status and position was the highest "guktaegong" though it was ideal. His will to the power was embodied by so called "daewonibunbu" of Jongchinbu. So Jongchinbu became a political structure to carry on Daewongun's policies and actualize his will to the political authority. But Jongchinbu was not equipped with any administrational divisions in its structure and it meant Jongchinbu could not be an executive organ. The political power during the period of Daewongun's seizure of power lasted in the reciprocal relation with his governing policies. The central power of Daewongun was the kindred of the king who founded their genuine status through their unique system and helped Daewongun by being distributed under the office named "euijeongbu." Daewongun held the political power to decide and execute policies formally and legally through the Jongchinbu institute for he did not assume the reins of "euijeongbu," the direct monarch system. Therefore, Daewongun in the earlier stage of his seizure of political authority was assisted by the most powerful political group, the Kim tribe from Andong and another power group named "noron," for his power was not strong enough to control them. His reform policy was performed in the way to discipline landed proprietors and verify the actual condition of memorial halls for Confucianist service to honour distinguished scholars and statesmen named "seowon." Daewongun expanded the foundation of his rein in the process of reconstruction of Gyeongbok palace and subjugation of the Western people within Joseon and commanded armaments through the establishment of "samgunbu." By these organizations and change of the offices Daewongun became to hold real power since the 7th year of the King Gojong's enthronement. In fact, it became possible for Daewongun directly to control the groups of vested rights such as the most powerful political group at that time, the Kim tribe from Andong and another power group named "noron." He carried out the policy to remove "seowon" to disorganize the power groups' political and economic foundation. His abolishment policy of "seowon" was not agreed by the King but came from himself, and it meant Daewongun grasped the kingship in person. His seizure of the sovereign system made the existence of the King insecure and the power groups of invested rights felt worry about their political status. Their sense of unstableness in political power led them to make up an anti-Daewongun group. As a result of it, the King recovered his kingship which was entrusted to Daewongun and the assistant political organization between the King and Daewongun was dissolved. So Daewongun lost the cause and justice of his executive power and authority. The King Gojong concentrated the members of the anti-Daewongun power groups and established the direct royal rule system by the reorganization of political power distribution. But the King's direct rule system did not include the changed aspects of political power and the King, accordingly, reduced the upholding foundation from the people.

    더보기

    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 目次 = iii
    • 表目次 = v
    • 第1章 序論 = 1
    • 第2章 哲宗朝의 權力運營과 宗親勢力 = 14
    • 第1節 哲宗朝의 國政運營과 宗親勢力 = 14
    • 目次 = iii
    • 表目次 = v
    • 第1章 序論 = 1
    • 第2章 哲宗朝의 權力運營과 宗親勢力 = 14
    • 第1節 哲宗朝의 國政運營과 宗親勢力 = 14
    • 1. 垂簾聽政과 政治勢力의 變動 = 14
    • 2. 哲宗親政期政治勢力의 構成 = 23
    • 3. 哲宗의 國政運營과 宗親勢力 = 31
    • 第2節 興宣君의 宗親府活動과 現實認識 = 38
    • 1. 「濬源譜略」修補와 宗親勢力의 整備 = 38
    • 2. 宗親府再建活動을 통해 본 興宣君의 現實認識 = 50
    • 第3章 大院君의 政治的 位相과 宗親府 = 59
    • 第1節 大院君의 執權過程과 政治的 位相 = 59
    • 1. 大院君의 權力掌握과 각 勢力의 認識 = 59
    • 2. 大院君의 政治的地位와 國王과의 關係 = 69
    • 3. 大院君의 國政運營과 政策決定의 實際 = 81
    • 第2節 宗親府强化와 宗親勢力의 結集 = 91
    • 1. 宗親府의 權力機構化와 ‘大院位分付’= 91
    • 2. 宗親科實施와 宗正卿體制의 構築 = 110
    • 第4章 大院君의 改革政策과 權力强化 = 133
    • 第1節 議政府의 復活과 支配勢力 構成의 變化 = 133
    • 1. 備邊司廢止와 議政府復活 = 133
    • 2. 議政府構成員의 變化 = 143
    • 第2節 大院君의 改革政策과 權力基盤의 擴大 = 159
    • 1. 武斷土豪 懲治와 景福宮重建 = 159
    • 2. 丙寅洋擾 鎭壓과 三軍府復設 = 173
    • 3. 大院君의 書院撤廢政策 = 189
    • 第5章 大院君 執權期 政治勢力 構成의 變動 = 203
    • 第1節 大院君政權의 權力基盤 = 203
    • 1. 王權 및 宗親勢力 = 203
    • 2. 武班勢力의 構成 = 210
    • 3. 南人勢力과의 政治的 關係 = 216
    • 第2節大院君執權期政治勢力의 變動과 安金勢力 = 226
    • 1. 中央政治勢力 構成의 變動 = 226
    • 2. 大院君과 安金勢力의 關係 = 242
    • 第6章 大院君의 下野와 政治勢力의 動向 = 250
    • 第1節 反大院君勢力의 形成과 政局動向 = 250
    • 1. 大院君執權期政治的 葛藤과 反大院君勢力의 形成 = 250
    • 2. 崔益鉉上疏와 政局動向 = 255
    • 第2節 宗親府 및 大院君支持勢力의 對應 = 261
    • 1. 宗親府및 宗親勢力의 對應 = 261
    • 2. 大院君 支持勢力의 動向 = 266
    • 第3節 高宗의 親政과 政治勢力의 性格 = 271
    • 1. 高宗의 地方統制와 大院君 再執權의 挫折 = 271
    • 2. 高宗의 親政 初期政治勢力의 性格 = 278
    • 第7章 結論 = 287
    • <부표> 大院君執權期六曹判書歷任者 = 296
    • 參考文獻 = 302
    • Abstract = 317
    더보기

    분석정보

    View

    상세정보조회

    0

    Usage

    원문다운로드

    0

    대출신청

    0

    복사신청

    0

    EDDS신청

    0

    동일 주제 내 활용도 TOP

    더보기

    주제

    연도별 연구동향

    연도별 활용동향

    연관논문

    연구자 네트워크맵

    공동연구자 (7)

    유사연구자 (20) 활용도상위20명

    이 자료와 함께 이용한 RISS 자료

    나만을 위한 추천자료

    해외이동버튼