韓國政治文化의 分析硏究 : Almond-Verba의 ‘市民文化’理論의 比較檢討 A Comparative Review of Almond-Verba's "Civic Culture" Theory = An Analysis of Korean Political Culture

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

Ⅰ
The purpose of the study is to apply and testify findings and the conclusion by G.A. Almond and S. Verba, applicable to Korean political situations, which are presented in "The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations," Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1963, pp. ⅷ, 562. The study made by them is that of the political culture of democracy and of social struotures and processes that sustain it.
Almond and Verba presented the concept for the study "the Civic Culture" as not a modren culture, but a mixed modernizing-traditional one, arguing that "a third culture" which contains both the scientific and humanistic-traditional cultures, and also enables them to interact and interchange without destroying or polarizing each other. The method, referring to the concept of psychoological orientation toward social subjects, characterizes the political cultures as "parochial", "subject" and "participant" political cultures.
With such characterized classification, Almond and Verba Went further on to subculture, combining major concept of political cultures as "the parochial-subject", "the subjet-participant" and "the parochial-participant" culture. Furthermore, they studied that political culture they concluded may or may not be congruent with the structures of the political system.
Ⅱ
In the process of study on Korean political culture, majoritems utilized for the analysis are "The Pattern of Korean Political Culture" dealt in Chapter One, includes patterns of political cognition, feelings toward government and politics, patters of partisanship, and that of participate. In the pattern of Korean political culture, firstly, the impact of government, awareness of politics, and having information and opinions are included. Secondly, feelings toward government and politics covers national pride as a system affect, output affect, and input affect, Thirdly, patterns of partisanship subdivides the contents as images of party supporters, psycholgical distance between parties, and the flow of feeling from community to polity. And, lastly, the patterns of participant includes roughly the obligation to participate, attitudes toward the citizen's competence, and the administrative compentence.
For each item, feelings and results obtained through various empirical researches made in this country during 1960-1964, are put into the scheme presented by Almond and Verba, in order to single out ftollowing questions: "What are characteristics the Korean political culture bears?" and "Does it congruent with the structres of the Korean political system?"
Through such a study, it reached to findings that in the Korean political culture the "subject" and "parochial" political cultures are dominant in each orientation. This implies that the "participant" culture characterize the U.S. and Britain is slightly appeared in our country, but the "subject" and "parochial" cultures are strongly existed justas the Italian and Mexican cultures are characterized. And sometimes German patterns of political culture prevailes, too.
Thus, the Korean political is, in effect, connoted the mixed cultures as Almond and Verba employed the concept in their works. Nevertheless, it is mentioned that the similar pattern to more stable political culture found in U.S. and Britain, is obtained, and have almost same patterns of culture as the Italian and Mexican have, but these pattern are not just same as such. Therefore it is needed to be analyzed intensively for our study of culture in the level of subculture.
The study, here done, unhappily has un ineffectiveness of the lack of uniformities and of consistency to have a reason able conclusion in the sense of comparison with the work done by Almond and Verba.
Ⅲ
In Chapter Ⅲ, cit is described "Social Relations and Political Culture" covers such subtitles as: the distribution of voluntary association membership, organizational membership and civic competence, and political socialization and political competence.
Especially, in this part, the role of family and of job in the social and political process is clarified refering to influences upon political attitudes and upon a range of polical opinions in Korea.
It is concluded, herein, that it is almost impossible to conceptualize the connotation of voluntary associations as in Western countries have adapted. This is true not only in case of political organizations, but also social organizations and factory workshop.
Ⅳ
And lastly in the Conclusion, Chapter Ⅳ, the terminology implies patterns of Korean political culture, is scrutinized. The various ways of expression for that are (1) the mixed or confused culture with the strong impact of influences from Western cultures since the date of Liberation of this country; (2) the charismatic system based on authoritarian political character; and, (3) "the pre-industrial" and "authoritarian" one which leads to the concept of "the underdeveloped" or "the transitional" where no "secular, rational, and people's ideologies existed."
For these expressions, it isagreed upon that the Korean political culture bears mixed one, irrelevant to ways of expression. But, the point to be manifestly made is this: there is a difference between the expression of "the mixed" culture used in our contry and "the civic culture" implies the mixed one used by Almond and Verba. The former is "the transitional" rather than "the mixed" one.
Therefore it is stated that the expression of "the mixed" culture is recommendable and reasonable instead of "the transitional" one.
Another statement added to Conclusion is limits of methodology emlpoyed by almond and Verba in The Civic Culture.
As rule, the methodology is applicable for the analysis of political culture which cumulated democratic experiences for a long time. But it is pointed out that it has some difficulties and limits to applying it in new states, especially, new states in Asia as they are recognizing.
The very limits that the methodology contains are these: this gradual, fusional growth of the civic cultuer has generally occured in a political system whose problems have been spread over time. The problem in the new nations―limited experience of democracy, etc. ―is that such gradualness is not possible. There is great demand for participation for participation in politics from many who were only recently parochial.
Tremendous problems of social change must be faced all at one. A slow political development mayfoster a civiccultuer, but what the new nations of the world lack is the time for this gradual development. Is it possible to find substitutes for thin gradual and fusional process of political change? There is no clear answer to this question and one can only speculate.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 1. 問題의 提起
• 1) 政治文化槪念의 導入
• 2) Almond-Verba의 '市民文化'理論
• 3) 問題의 所在
• 2. 韓國政治文化의 樣態
• 1) 政治的 認識의 樣態
• 2) 政府 및 政治에 대한 感情
• 3) 黨派心의 樣態
• 4) 參與樣相
• 3. 社會過程과 政治文化
• 4. 結 論
• 1) 韓國政治文化의 性格規定 問題
• 2) Almond-Verba方法論의 限界性