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    경방의 벽괘설에 대한 정약용의 비판

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    This article aims at explaining Dasan Jeong Yagyong’s view on Jingfang’s bigua theory of the Zhouyi. Jeong Yagyong’s appraisals of Jingfang’s theory of the Zhouyi lie scattered around some chapters of Yixuexuyan(易學緖言; A Collection of Critical Essays on the Classics of the Yijing), among which Tangshuguaqilun (唐書卦氣論, A Discussion on the Guaqi Theory of The Book of Tang) is the most important one, because it includes valuable information about Dasan’s critical view of Jingfang’s bigua theory. In order to reconstruct Jeong Yagyong’s appraisal of Jingfang’s view, it is necessary to analyze these texts one by one and afterwards to piece them together.
    Although Jeong Yagyong borrowed the term “bigua” from Jingfang, he maintained a negative view of Jingfang’s bigua theory in broad outlines. As is well known, Jingfang is known as the scholar who used the term “bigua” (?卦) for the first time in the tradition of the Zhouyi exegetics. But Jeong Yagyong raised a question about it, saying that the origin of the bigua theory could be traced far back to ancient times before Jingfang. According to Jeong Yagyong, there should be bigua in order to construct the changing rule of 64 hexagrams. By examining the hexagram name, one could know that the principle of changing hexagrams should have been applied when the author of the Zhouyi gave the name to each hexagram. However, he failed to provide reliable references to support his argument.
    Jingfang divided the 64 hexagrams into the five categories of Bi (?, the Emperor), Gong (公, the Duke), Hou (侯, the Marquis), Qing (卿, the Minister), and Daifu (大夫, the Grand Master) which corresponded to the five social ranks of the Han Dynasty. However, Jeong Yagyong did not accept Jingfang’s view that a certain group of hexagrams should be assigned to a certain social position and that the group of a particular social rank could use them exclusively. Therefore, the bigua does not mean that only the Emperor has the privileged right to use it. What the bigua means is that those bigua hexagrams play the role of sovereign hexagrams over the rest of the hexagrams. The role of the bigua can be compared to that of the Emperor as the bigua regulates the changes of the other hexagrams.
    In terms of the Fenguazhirifa (分卦直日法; the rule of dividing and assigning the hexagrams according to the seasonal division points of the calendar), Jeong Yagyong thought that it was too sophisticated and fragmented. Jingfang’s theory of Zhouyi is characterized by the theory of the yin?yang catastrophe (陰陽災變說; yinyangzaibianshuo). It was the Fenguazhirifa that gave a logical ground to the theory of the yin?yang catastrophe. However, Jeong Yagyong threw harsh remarks at Jingfang’s theory of the yin?yang catastrophe, denouncing it as heresy in the history of the Yijing exegetic tradition.
    To sum up, Jeong Yagyong expressed a negative view of Jingfang’s view in broad outlines.
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    This article aims at explaining Dasan Jeong Yagyong’s view on Jingfang’s bigua theory of the Zhouyi. Jeong Yagyong’s appraisals of Jingfang’s theory of the Zhouyi lie scattered around some chapters of Yixuexuyan(易學緖言; A Collection of C...

    This article aims at explaining Dasan Jeong Yagyong’s view on Jingfang’s bigua theory of the Zhouyi. Jeong Yagyong’s appraisals of Jingfang’s theory of the Zhouyi lie scattered around some chapters of Yixuexuyan(易學緖言; A Collection of Critical Essays on the Classics of the Yijing), among which Tangshuguaqilun (唐書卦氣論, A Discussion on the Guaqi Theory of The Book of Tang) is the most important one, because it includes valuable information about Dasan’s critical view of Jingfang’s bigua theory. In order to reconstruct Jeong Yagyong’s appraisal of Jingfang’s view, it is necessary to analyze these texts one by one and afterwards to piece them together.
    Although Jeong Yagyong borrowed the term “bigua” from Jingfang, he maintained a negative view of Jingfang’s bigua theory in broad outlines. As is well known, Jingfang is known as the scholar who used the term “bigua” (?卦) for the first time in the tradition of the Zhouyi exegetics. But Jeong Yagyong raised a question about it, saying that the origin of the bigua theory could be traced far back to ancient times before Jingfang. According to Jeong Yagyong, there should be bigua in order to construct the changing rule of 64 hexagrams. By examining the hexagram name, one could know that the principle of changing hexagrams should have been applied when the author of the Zhouyi gave the name to each hexagram. However, he failed to provide reliable references to support his argument.
    Jingfang divided the 64 hexagrams into the five categories of Bi (?, the Emperor), Gong (公, the Duke), Hou (侯, the Marquis), Qing (卿, the Minister), and Daifu (大夫, the Grand Master) which corresponded to the five social ranks of the Han Dynasty. However, Jeong Yagyong did not accept Jingfang’s view that a certain group of hexagrams should be assigned to a certain social position and that the group of a particular social rank could use them exclusively. Therefore, the bigua does not mean that only the Emperor has the privileged right to use it. What the bigua means is that those bigua hexagrams play the role of sovereign hexagrams over the rest of the hexagrams. The role of the bigua can be compared to that of the Emperor as the bigua regulates the changes of the other hexagrams.
    In terms of the Fenguazhirifa (分卦直日法; the rule of dividing and assigning the hexagrams according to the seasonal division points of the calendar), Jeong Yagyong thought that it was too sophisticated and fragmented. Jingfang’s theory of Zhouyi is characterized by the theory of the yin?yang catastrophe (陰陽災變說; yinyangzaibianshuo). It was the Fenguazhirifa that gave a logical ground to the theory of the yin?yang catastrophe. However, Jeong Yagyong threw harsh remarks at Jingfang’s theory of the yin?yang catastrophe, denouncing it as heresy in the history of the Yijing exegetic tradition.
    To sum up, Jeong Yagyong expressed a negative view of Jingfang’s view in broad outlines.

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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 문재곤, "한대역학(漢代易學)의 연구-괘기(卦氣) 역학의 전개를 중심으로" 고려대학교 1990

    2 廖名春, "주역철학사" 예문서원 1994

    3 이충구, "이아주소" 소명출판 2004

    4 朱伯崑, "역학철학사" 소명출판사 2013

    5 방인, "다산역의 관점에서 본 경방의 효변설" 대한철학회 131 : 199-222, 2014

    6 윤태현, "경방역의 연구" 동국대 2000

    7 "漢書" 中華書局

    8 梁韋弦, "漢易卦氣學研究" 齊鲁書社 2007

    9 "新唐書" 中華書局

    10 "定本 與猶堂全書" 茶山學術文化財團 2012

    1 문재곤, "한대역학(漢代易學)의 연구-괘기(卦氣) 역학의 전개를 중심으로" 고려대학교 1990

    2 廖名春, "주역철학사" 예문서원 1994

    3 이충구, "이아주소" 소명출판 2004

    4 朱伯崑, "역학철학사" 소명출판사 2013

    5 방인, "다산역의 관점에서 본 경방의 효변설" 대한철학회 131 : 199-222, 2014

    6 윤태현, "경방역의 연구" 동국대 2000

    7 "漢書" 中華書局

    8 梁韋弦, "漢易卦氣學研究" 齊鲁書社 2007

    9 "新唐書" 中華書局

    10 "定本 與猶堂全書" 茶山學術文化財團 2012

    11 張文智, "孟⋅焦⋅京易學新探" 齊鲁書社 2013

    12 冒廣生, "四川出版集團" 巴蜀書社 2009

    13 朱熹, "周易本義" 中華書局 2009

    14 尙秉和, "周易尙氏學" 中華書局 2010

    15 "史記" 中華書局

    16 魏 王弼, "十三經注疏" 北京大學出版社 2000

    17 郭彧, "京氏易源流" 華夏出版社 2007

    18 盧央, "京房評傳" 南京大學出版社 2006

    19 盧央, "京房易傳解讀" 九州出版社 2006

    20 王謨, "京房易傳" 武陵出版有限公司 2001

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    기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
    2016 0.62 0.62 0.57
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