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      1920년대 초 신지식인층의 민주주의론과 그 성격 = The ‘Democracy discourse’ of the new generation of intellectuals in the early 1920s

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A76268443

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

      During the early 1920s, democracy was considered as a new form of philosophy, which could support the ambitious plans hatched by the new generation of intellectuals who intended to resist the Japanese imperial authorities while also uniting the Joseon community. In the wake of all kinds of discourses that were supporting reformation of the Korean people, the intellectuals perceived democracy as a logical ideology that could be effective in the future in addressing various issues with nature either foreign or domestic. In other words, they wished to use the democratic theories to their advantages, and unite the Joseon society while fundamentally attacking the colonial ruling.
      Based upon this perception, they argued that democracy was a specific notion regarding the very structure of the society based upon concepts such as freedom and equality, and not just a theory urging people’s participation in politics. They reasoned that democracy based upon freedom and equality was the most powerful weapon that the Joseon people could use against their struggle with either the Japanese imperial ruling or the imposed age of modernity. This level of progressiveness even allowed factions which would turn into Socialist factions in the following few years to join forces with the intellectuals in the early 1920s.
      Yet this democracy discourse was not quite strongly established as a philosophical system that could also well respond to the terms of reality. It was rather ultimately a theory and argument constructed upon an optimistic and ideal view of the future. Therefore, it lacked a certain amount of consideration for the inherent social conflicts and colliding reality of terms. It also exhibited a reasoning with quite an abstract and naive nature that believed freedom and equality could be connected with each other through a social consciousness and determination.
      All these elements served as a weakness for the democracy discourse, and relevant discussions never had the chance to evolve to the next level of being a realistic argument urging actual practice and aspiring for values like freedom and equality. Instead, in the wake of various forms of diversifications that continued among political factions, the discourse was transformed into an argument that could be labelled as a notion of Bourgeois Democracy, supporting the Bourgeois factions’ participation in politics.
      Yet, on the other hand, the discourse of democracy in the early 1920s did not zero-in upon the issue of social classes that much, and was primarily interested in pursuing basic and universal virtues such as freedom and equality. So the possibility of future resurgence of the discourse or the remodification of that discourse remained as a strong possibility. The continuation and the changes the democracy discourse went through in the mid-1920s, will later be examined as well.
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      During the early 1920s, democracy was considered as a new form of philosophy, which could support the ambitious plans hatched by the new generation of intellectuals who intended to resist the Japanese imperial authorities while also uniting the Joseon...

      During the early 1920s, democracy was considered as a new form of philosophy, which could support the ambitious plans hatched by the new generation of intellectuals who intended to resist the Japanese imperial authorities while also uniting the Joseon community. In the wake of all kinds of discourses that were supporting reformation of the Korean people, the intellectuals perceived democracy as a logical ideology that could be effective in the future in addressing various issues with nature either foreign or domestic. In other words, they wished to use the democratic theories to their advantages, and unite the Joseon society while fundamentally attacking the colonial ruling.
      Based upon this perception, they argued that democracy was a specific notion regarding the very structure of the society based upon concepts such as freedom and equality, and not just a theory urging people’s participation in politics. They reasoned that democracy based upon freedom and equality was the most powerful weapon that the Joseon people could use against their struggle with either the Japanese imperial ruling or the imposed age of modernity. This level of progressiveness even allowed factions which would turn into Socialist factions in the following few years to join forces with the intellectuals in the early 1920s.
      Yet this democracy discourse was not quite strongly established as a philosophical system that could also well respond to the terms of reality. It was rather ultimately a theory and argument constructed upon an optimistic and ideal view of the future. Therefore, it lacked a certain amount of consideration for the inherent social conflicts and colliding reality of terms. It also exhibited a reasoning with quite an abstract and naive nature that believed freedom and equality could be connected with each other through a social consciousness and determination.
      All these elements served as a weakness for the democracy discourse, and relevant discussions never had the chance to evolve to the next level of being a realistic argument urging actual practice and aspiring for values like freedom and equality. Instead, in the wake of various forms of diversifications that continued among political factions, the discourse was transformed into an argument that could be labelled as a notion of Bourgeois Democracy, supporting the Bourgeois factions’ participation in politics.
      Yet, on the other hand, the discourse of democracy in the early 1920s did not zero-in upon the issue of social classes that much, and was primarily interested in pursuing basic and universal virtues such as freedom and equality. So the possibility of future resurgence of the discourse or the remodification of that discourse remained as a strong possibility. The continuation and the changes the democracy discourse went through in the mid-1920s, will later be examined as well.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • 서론
      • 1. 1910년대 신지식인층의 현실인식과 대정데모크라시
      • 2. 1920년대 초 민주주의론의 등장과정과 그 성격
      • 3. 민주주의론의 전개와 부르주아민주주의론으로의 전환
      • 결론
      • 서론
      • 1. 1910년대 신지식인층의 현실인식과 대정데모크라시
      • 2. 1920년대 초 민주주의론의 등장과정과 그 성격
      • 3. 민주주의론의 전개와 부르주아민주주의론으로의 전환
      • 결론
      • 〈Abstract〉
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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 編輯人, "留學生의 成績을 들어 父兄의게 告하노라" (10) : 1916

      2 이태훈, "한말 대한협회 주도층의 국가인식과 자본주의 근대화론" 21 : 2000

      3 박찬승, "한국근대정치사상사연구" 역사비평사 1992

      4 박찬승, "일제하 정치사상사연구" 역사비평사 1992

      5 이시다 다케시, "일본의 사회과학" 소화 2003

      6 미야카와 토루, "일본근대철학사" 생각의 나무 2002

      7 유길준, "서유견문" 한양출판 1995

      8 백셩빈, "민쥬쥬의『新韓民報』"

      9 최장집, "민주화 이후의 민주주의" 후마니타스 2005

      10 辛日鎔, "맑쓰思想의 硏究" (6) : 1922

      1 編輯人, "留學生의 成績을 들어 父兄의게 告하노라" (10) : 1916

      2 이태훈, "한말 대한협회 주도층의 국가인식과 자본주의 근대화론" 21 : 2000

      3 박찬승, "한국근대정치사상사연구" 역사비평사 1992

      4 박찬승, "일제하 정치사상사연구" 역사비평사 1992

      5 이시다 다케시, "일본의 사회과학" 소화 2003

      6 미야카와 토루, "일본근대철학사" 생각의 나무 2002

      7 유길준, "서유견문" 한양출판 1995

      8 백셩빈, "민쥬쥬의『新韓民報』"

      9 최장집, "민주화 이후의 민주주의" 후마니타스 2005

      10 辛日鎔, "맑쓰思想의 硏究" (6) : 1922

      11 申興雨, "듸모크레시의 意義" (1) : 1921

      12 申興雨, "듸모크레시의 意義" (1) : 1921

      13 "동아일보"

      14 "동아일보"

      15 "동아일보"

      16 玄派, "데모크라시의 略義" (1) : 1920

      17 玄派, "데모크라시의 略義" (1) : 1920

      18 高永煥, "데모크라시의 意義" (20) : 1920

      19 高永煥, "데모크라시의 意義" (20) : 1920

      20 박종린, "김윤식사회장’ 찬반논의와 사회주의세력의 재편" (38) : 2000

      21 김효전, "근대 한국의 국가사상" 철학과 현실사 2000

      22 김효전, "근대 한국의 국가사상" 철학과 현실사 2000

      23 編輯人, "貢獻第一의 使命을 提하야 말로 卒業生의게 부침" 1917

      24 漢城圖書株式會社出版部, "自由의 神 루소"

      25 松澤弘陽, "自由主義論" 岩波書店 18 : 1995

      26 雪山, "社會와 個人" (13) : 1917

      27 金明植, "社會葬은 何" (1) : 1922

      28 "漢城旬報"

      29 玄相允, "求하는 바 靑年이 그 누구냐" (3) : 1914

      30 김우영, "民族共同生活과 道義" 新生公論社 1957

      31 太平洋會議ニ對スル金東成所感, "朝鮮治安狀況"

      32 필자미상, "日本留學生史" (6) :

      33 필자미상, "日本留學生史" (6) : 1915

      34 朴鐘隣, "日帝下 社會主義收容에 관한 硏究" 연세대

      35 友狄, "新術語解釋" 3 (3): 1926

      36 玄相允, "强力主義와 朝鮮靑年" (6) : 1915

      37 飯田泰三, "吉野作造" 靑木書店 10-,

      38 一記者, "參政權의 政治學的 原理"

      39 編輯人, "卒業生의게 賀하노라" (10) :

      40 張德洙, "卒業生을 보내노라" (6) :

      41 孤蝶, "個人主義의 略義" (2) : 1920

      42 安廓, "今日留學生은 如何" (4) : 1915

      43 高永煥, "今日의 政客들" 一成堂書店 1949

      44 "世界 三大問題의 波及과 朝鮮人의 覺悟如何" (2) : 1920

      45 "『동아일보』‘우리의 갈길이 何處인가 - 萬人平等의 自由世界’"

      46 "『동아일보』‘總督政治의 制度的 批判(下)’"

      47 "『동아일보』‘社會生活論’"

      48 "『동아일보』‘現代政治의 要意(2)- 1. 國體와 政體’"

      49 "『동아일보』‘現代政治의 要意(16) : 代議政治와 民主主義’"

      50 "『동아일보』‘現代政治의 要意(16) - 6. 代議政治와 民主主義’"

      51 "『동아일보』‘現代政治의 要意(16) - 6. 代議政治와 民主主義’"

      52 "『동아일보』‘現代政治의 原理’ ; 1920년 5월 11일자 ‘鄕政治를 回想함’"

      53 "『동아일보』‘朝鮮의 社會階級의 推移’"

      54 "『동아일보』‘政治家의 缺乏-實地的 聰明이 必要’"

      55 "『동아일보』‘哲人政治와 民主政治’"

      56 "『동아일보』‘世界改造의 劈頭를 當하야 朝鮮의 民族運動을 論하노라(4)’"

      57 "『동아일보』,‘民主主義의 精神’"

      58 "『동아일보』,‘民主主義의 精神’"

      59 "『동아일보』,‘主旨를 宣明하노라’"

      60 "『동아일보』"

      61 金賢珠, "3.1운동 이후 부르주아 계몽주의 세력의 수사학 - ‘사회’, ‘여론’, ‘민중’을 중심으로" 52 : 2005

      62 안외순, "19세기말 조선의 민주주의 수용론 재검토 : 동서사상의 융합의 관점에서 In: 민주주의의 한국적 수용" 책세상 2002

      63 최선웅, "1920년대 초 한국공산주의운동의 탈자유주의화 과정 ―상해파 고려공산당 국내지부를 중심으로―" 고려사학회 26 (26): 285-317, 2007

      64 "1920년대 초 자치청원운동과 유민회의 자치구상" 39 : 2001

      65 이태훈, "1920년대 초 자치청원운동과 유민회의 자치구상" (39) : 2001

      66 "1920년대 초 자치청원운동과 유민회의 자치구상" 39 : 2001

      67 이태훈, "1920년대 전반기 일제의 ‘문화정치’와 부르조아 정치세력의 대응" (47) : 2003

      68 "1920년대 전반기 일제의 ‘문화정치’와 부르조아 정치세력의 대응" 47 : 2003

      69 김경택, "1910~20년대 동아일보 주도층의 정치경제사상 연구" 연세대학교 1998

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      학술지 이력

      학술지 이력
      연월일 이력구분 이력상세 등재구분
      2026 평가예정 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증)
      2020-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (재인증) KCI등재
      2017-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (계속평가) KCI등재
      2013-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2010-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2008-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2006-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2005-10-05 학술지명변경 한글명 : 역사와 현실 -> 역사와 현실
      외국어명 : 미등록 -> YŎKSA WA HYŎNSIL
      KCI등재
      2004-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2001-01-01 평가 등재학술지 선정 (등재후보2차) KCI등재
      1998-07-01 평가 등재후보학술지 선정 (신규평가) KCI등재후보
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      학술지 인용정보

      학술지 인용정보
      기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
      2016 0.91 0.91 0.87
      KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
      0.87 0.92 1.68 0.36
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