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    부계외혼제사회에서 주자가례의 수용에 의한 혼례의 지속과 변용 = Continuation and variation of weddings by accommodating Confucian ritualism in a paternal exogamy society

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A102132733

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    It is very rare to find recordings on ancient wedding customs. According to Seo-ok (壻屋) which was written in Goguryeo period (37 BCE-668 CE), it is understood that matrilocal residences were common. This is based on the theory of Friedrich Engels, who was influenced by Lewis H. Morgan and Morgan’s book, Ancient Society. Ancient Korea was considered a matriarchal society because beliefs or myths on female deities, presence of queens, royal wedding, etc. Thanks to anthropological research, it is well-known that family groups evolved by ethnic groups into dualistic and double-decent groups. In other words, ethnic groups were not a factor in dividing family groups into matrilineal or patrilineal types. Previous studies also found that beliefs or myths were not directly related with social systems. Family systems and marriage in ancient times were defined by descent or inheritance, not by residence styles of married couples. People tended to marry either from outside of relatives or from different area. Therefore, ancient countries in Korea were more patriarchal. Bugyewihonje (paternal exogamy, illegal for marriage between couples with the same surname and from same place of family origin) was a dominant practice. Lover marriages were uncommon as exogamy usually involved matchmakers, and their stories are found in Jumong-seolhwa, tales of the first king of Goguryeo. Northern minority groups also followed bugyewihonje. Most of their residential spaces were divided by gender, with anchae (inner space) for women and bakatchae (outer space) for men. Divided spaces were presented in Anak, a mural painting created in fourth century, well before Confucianism was introduced to the Korean peninsula, which means that paternal exogamy was dominant in Korea for quite some time. In the context of Confucian ritualism, chinyoung refers to the processes in wedding rituals and also means going to the husband’s house to greet parents-in-law on the wedding day. Whereas, namguiyeoga refers to the custom of married couples staying in the bride’s family house for a year (sometimes even longer) and then going to the husband’s house. Namguiyeoga was practiced before Confucianism was introduced. In the early stage of Confucianism, chinyoung was not well accepted, instead Banchinyoung (semi-chinyoung customs) was widely practiced in noble classes, whereas, commoners were more likely to practice namguiyeoga. Commoners usually stayed in the bride’s house after the wedding, where the husband provided labor until the couple moved to the husband’s house. However, with Confucian influences, the duration of the husband staying in the bride’s house decreased, leading to less labor being provided to the wife’s family; instead wedding presents were sent to the bride’s house in the form of nabpye (bride-wealth sent from the groom’s family to the bride’s family). Burden of nabpye increased as it became a larger part of replacing offers of labor. As a result, paternal authority strengthened and the status of wife became more subordinate to men.
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    It is very rare to find recordings on ancient wedding customs. According to Seo-ok (壻屋) which was written in Goguryeo period (37 BCE-668 CE), it is understood that matrilocal residences were common. This is based on the theory of Friedrich Engels,...

    It is very rare to find recordings on ancient wedding customs. According to Seo-ok (壻屋) which was written in Goguryeo period (37 BCE-668 CE), it is understood that matrilocal residences were common. This is based on the theory of Friedrich Engels, who was influenced by Lewis H. Morgan and Morgan’s book, Ancient Society. Ancient Korea was considered a matriarchal society because beliefs or myths on female deities, presence of queens, royal wedding, etc. Thanks to anthropological research, it is well-known that family groups evolved by ethnic groups into dualistic and double-decent groups. In other words, ethnic groups were not a factor in dividing family groups into matrilineal or patrilineal types. Previous studies also found that beliefs or myths were not directly related with social systems. Family systems and marriage in ancient times were defined by descent or inheritance, not by residence styles of married couples. People tended to marry either from outside of relatives or from different area. Therefore, ancient countries in Korea were more patriarchal. Bugyewihonje (paternal exogamy, illegal for marriage between couples with the same surname and from same place of family origin) was a dominant practice. Lover marriages were uncommon as exogamy usually involved matchmakers, and their stories are found in Jumong-seolhwa, tales of the first king of Goguryeo. Northern minority groups also followed bugyewihonje. Most of their residential spaces were divided by gender, with anchae (inner space) for women and bakatchae (outer space) for men. Divided spaces were presented in Anak, a mural painting created in fourth century, well before Confucianism was introduced to the Korean peninsula, which means that paternal exogamy was dominant in Korea for quite some time. In the context of Confucian ritualism, chinyoung refers to the processes in wedding rituals and also means going to the husband’s house to greet parents-in-law on the wedding day. Whereas, namguiyeoga refers to the custom of married couples staying in the bride’s family house for a year (sometimes even longer) and then going to the husband’s house. Namguiyeoga was practiced before Confucianism was introduced. In the early stage of Confucianism, chinyoung was not well accepted, instead Banchinyoung (semi-chinyoung customs) was widely practiced in noble classes, whereas, commoners were more likely to practice namguiyeoga. Commoners usually stayed in the bride’s house after the wedding, where the husband provided labor until the couple moved to the husband’s house. However, with Confucian influences, the duration of the husband staying in the bride’s house decreased, leading to less labor being provided to the wife’s family; instead wedding presents were sent to the bride’s house in the form of nabpye (bride-wealth sent from the groom’s family to the bride’s family). Burden of nabpye increased as it became a larger part of replacing offers of labor. As a result, paternal authority strengthened and the status of wife became more subordinate to men.

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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 "후한서(後漢書)"

    2 안병태, "혼속의 친영에 대하여" 한국민속학회 5 : 1972

    3 김정근, "혼례변화에 따른 혼수기물과 혼례가구의 변천Ⅰ" 대한가정학회지 34 (34): 1996

    4 한옥공간연구회, "한옥의 공간문화" 교문사 2004

    5 홍형식, "한국주거사" 민음사 1992

    6 홍성례, "한국의 혼인제도-삼국시대에서 조선후기에 이르기 까지" 경희대학교 대학원 원우회 2000

    7 최재석, "한국고대가족에 있어서 母系 父系의 문제" 한국사회학회 4 (4): 1969

    8 김두헌, "한국가족제도연구" 서울대학교 출판부 1969

    9 한국건축역사학회, "한국 건축사 연구" 발언 2003

    10 이광규, "한국 가족의 사적연구" 일지사 1977

    1 "후한서(後漢書)"

    2 안병태, "혼속의 친영에 대하여" 한국민속학회 5 : 1972

    3 김정근, "혼례변화에 따른 혼수기물과 혼례가구의 변천Ⅰ" 대한가정학회지 34 (34): 1996

    4 한옥공간연구회, "한옥의 공간문화" 교문사 2004

    5 홍형식, "한국주거사" 민음사 1992

    6 홍성례, "한국의 혼인제도-삼국시대에서 조선후기에 이르기 까지" 경희대학교 대학원 원우회 2000

    7 최재석, "한국고대가족에 있어서 母系 父系의 문제" 한국사회학회 4 (4): 1969

    8 김두헌, "한국가족제도연구" 서울대학교 출판부 1969

    9 한국건축역사학회, "한국 건축사 연구" 발언 2003

    10 이광규, "한국 가족의 사적연구" 일지사 1977

    11 송민선, "친영과 반친영의 문화적 含意" 한국역사민속학회 (37) : 103-140, 2011

    12 김경미, "주자가례의 수용과 17세기 혼례의 양상 - 친영례를 중심으로" 동양고전학회 (25) : 261-292, 2006

    13 장병인, "조선중기 혼인제의 실상 ― 반친영(半親迎)의 실체와 그 수용여부를 중심으로 ―" 한국역사연구회 (58) : 259-293, 2005

    14 김일미, "조선의 혼속변천과 그 사회적 성격-조선전기를 중심으로-" 이화여자대학교 사학연구소 4 : 1969

    15 이능화, "조선여속고" 동문선 2009

    16 전장석, "우리 나라 혼인 풍습과 모계제의 유습에 대하여" 조선민주주의 인민 공화국 과학원 고고학 및 민속학 연구소 1960

    17 "수서(隋書) 고려전(高麗傳)"

    18 손진태, "손진태선생전집" 태학사 1981

    19 "삼국지 魏志東夷傳, 東沃沮"

    20 "삼국사기 13권 고구려본기 제 1"

    21 "북사(北史)"

    22 "구당서(舊唐書)"

    23 최재석, "고려조에 있어서 토지의 자녀균등상속" 35 : 1981

    24 신호철, "고려시대의 토지상속에 대한 재검토" 98 :

    25 김삼대자, "고려시대의 주택" 한국미술사학회 1978

    26 "고려도경 32권 器皿2"

    27 "고려도경 22권 雜俗1."

    28 김미영, "가족과 친족의 민속학" 민속원 2008

    29 大林太良, "邪馬臺國" 東京 1977

    30 이광규, "母系社會에 관한 諸硏究" 3 : 1968

    31 依田千百子, "朝鮮民俗文化の硏究" 瑠璃書房 1985

    32 "文化人類學事典" 弘文堂 1997

    33 서정화, "傳統婚禮에 대한 反省的 考察― 婚禮의 淵源과 展開過程을 中心으로 ―" 동양철학연구회 (75) : 225-258, 2013

    34 전호태, "[고구려 고분벽화] 대가의 안채 생활, 안악3호분 벽화" 한국역사연구회 기사

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    2013-01-01 등재 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
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