Gyeongsang Korean /n/-insertion revisited

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

The aim of this paper is to reinvestigate /n/-insertion phenomena found in -C.y- sequence over a syllable boundary in Gyeongsang Korean and provide an optimality theoretic analysis. This paper argues against the constraint-based accounts where /n/ is inserted between C and y under the problematic assumption that /n/ is the most unmarked consonant in Korean. Instead, it is proposed that /y/ loses its vocalic feature and becomes consonantal. When two consonants are adjacent at a syllable boundary, the relative sonority should not be rising due to the demand of Syllable Contact. The final C in -C.y- sitting as an onset of the following syllable is not a smart choice due to the requirement of alignment constraints. Thus, /y/ changes into a nasal consonant for minimal violation of constraints. However, when Syllable Contact is satisfied but not by perfect alignment, the lack of /y/-devocalization is also found. As such, /y/- devocalization proposal will obviate the problematic /n/-insertion under the ad hoc /n/-unmarkedness assumption and do away with complicated rule-type constraints.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 1. Introduction
• 2. General pattern of /y/-devocalization in GS Korean
• 3. /y/-devocalization at a word boundary
• 4. Asymmetric /y/-devocalization in Sino-root compounds
• 5. Conclusion
• REFERENCES