성매매에 대한 금지주의적 여성주의와 성노동론 여성주의의 대립과 화해가능성

국문 초록 (Abstract)

여성주의 이론은 개별성매매행위를 성착취 및 성차별로 보아 성매수자를 처벌하되 그 착취와 차별의 피해자는 면책하자는 금지주의적 여성주의 캠프와 사회적 성차별의 피해자인 성노동자들의 안전과 복지를 위해 이들의 자율성을 인정해주기 위해서는 성매수자도 처벌해서는 안된다는 ‘성노동론’ 여성주의로 나뉘어져 있다. 이 분열을 회복하는 방법 중의 하나는 사회적 인과관계와 개인적 인과관계를 구분하고 금지주의적 여성주의 입장을 2014년 유럽의회 결의와 2006년 헌법재판소 결정에 표창된 경험주의적인 것으로 재해석하는 것이다. 즉 자발적 성매매가 사회적 성차별의 결과물이라고 할지라도 개인적인 가해-피해의 관계가 성립되지 않을 수도 있음을 인정하되 자발적 성매매의 합법화는 강제적 성매매나 성차별적 인식의 확산을 부추길 수 있음을 인정한다면, 성노동자들의 복지와 안전이라는 법익과 강제적 성매매나 성차별의 잠재적 피해 예방이라는 법익을 실증적으로 형량하여 최적화된 해법을 찾아갈 수 있다.

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

A debate between two feminist camps are raging around the world on the issue of whether to fully decriminalize prostitution or punish purchasers while sparing women the victims of sexual discrimination, which is the very reason both feminist camps cite as the reasons for condemning prostitution. The fight intensified while in 2014 European Parliament resolved to call all member States for adoption of the Swedish model and around the same time Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International sided with sex workers who have demanded de-stigmatization by decriminalization.Prohibitionist feminist camp sees prostitution as sexual exploitation and discrimination against women while sex work feminist camp wants to recognize full autonomy of sex workers whom they recognize as the victims of social discrimination.This article evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the two camps and explores the possibility of reconciliation. To summarize, what I would call the prohibitionist feminist camp’s proposal for the Swedish model is vulnerable to deontological attacks. Firstly, the fact that women are socially forced into prostitution by job discrimination does not necessarily justify treating women’s voluntary choice not operative while men’s action operative, thereby holding women not accountable and yet men accountable for their respective actions, especially when accountability takes the form of criminal punishment. It is not just prostitution that women were forced into: There are many other low level jobs into which men crowded women away from their high paying jobs, but criminalizing just male customers will be non-sensical. One makes wonder whether the abolitinist feminist position is based upon some presumed specificity of women’s sexuality such as passivity. Secondly, such model loses consistency when applied to the rare narratives of male prostitutes and female customers. Thirdly, the model ignores the fact that women’s choices can be voluntary in which case there is no reason for condemning the act, and yet customers are burdened with criminal punishment, whose burden women have to shoulder also.On the other hand, the ‘sex work’ camp’s argument turns a blind eye to the fact that forced prostitution feeds on voluntary prostitution. Fully voluntary prostitutes, whose agency the ‘sex work’ camp cherishes, do not represent the majority of prostitutes.One way to resolve the deadlock is to see the difference between social causation and individual causation, and to reinterpret the prohibitionist feminist call for a Swedish model as not based on individual causation but social consequentialism, especially how full decriminalization makes the environment ripe for enlargement of sex industry which will unavoidably involved forced prostitution as warned by 2006 Korean Constitutional Court’s decision and 2014 European Parliament resolution. Under this reinterpretation, the two camps recognize valid voluntary sex work though socially caused where the perpetrator-victim dichotomy may not exist but at the same time recognize the possible negative impact of full decriminalization on forced prostitution and gender bias, and settle the issue of sex purchasers by empirically weighing the competing interests of the welfare and safety of sex workers and the potential victims of forced prostitution and society-wide gender bias.

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