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다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This study analyzed the language morphemes and emotional words of about 400,000 articles in Naver, including ‘North Korea’ and ‘Reunification’ since 2003. Through this, the differences in the linguistic intensity of the article, the frequency of emotional expression, and the direction of emotion (positive and negative) were analyzed according to the government (Roh Moo-hyun, Lee Myung-bak, Park Geun-hye + Hwang Gyo-an, Moon Jae-in government) and the factional media (progress/conservative). In addition, the difference in ‘attitude toward North Korea and reunification’ according to demographic attributes, personal political orientation, survey year, and liberal/conservative government period was analyzed using a 17-year survey of public perception of 1,300 people each year since 2003. As a result of the study, there were many changes in linguistic intensity and emotional frequency during the Roh Moo-hyun government. In the Park Geun-hye government, after the Roh Moo-hyun government, the verbal intensity and emotional frequency were higher. However the amount of positive sentiment was most in the order of Park Geun-hye, Moon Jae-in, Roh Moo-hyun, and Lee Myung-bak government. In media reports during the Park Geun-hye government, both positive and negative emotions were high, while the attitude toward ‘North Korea’ and ‘Reunification’ was the lowest in the public survey (Roh Moo-hyun > Moon Jae-in > Lee Myung-bak > Park Geun-hye government). Regarding the results of public opinion polls, women are more positive about North Korea and more negative about Reunification than men. The higher the level of education and income, the more positive for North Korea, and the higher the level of education, the more positive for Reunification. The more recent it came, the more negative it was for North Korea and Reunification, and the younger the age, the more negative for North Korea. The political faction of the government only affected the attitude toward ‘North Korea,’ so the more progressive governments were, the more positive the people were toward ‘North Korea.’ Looking at the characteristics of the medias political faction, progressive media responded more sensitively to North Koreas South Korean policies and actions, and inter-Korean relations than conservative media. The most peculiar finding was that the media as a whole had a strong positive sentiment toward North Korea and reunification, the linguistic intensity and emotionality of conservative media were generally higher than that of progressive media, and the positive sentiment was generally higher than that of progressive media. On the other hand, as a result of public opinion polls, the political faction of the government had no influence on the attitude of the people toward ‘Reunification,’ but it had an effect on the attitude toward ‘North Korea’. Related interpretations were discussed.

참고문헌 (Reference)

1 이건호, "환경 문제의 2차 의제설정효과: 지구 온난화 이슈 내 서로 다른 속성을 중심으로" 한국언론학회 51 (51): 153-179, 2007

2 이민규, "호주제폐지에 대한 뉴스 프레이밍 비교 연구 : 조선일보, 국민일보, 한겨레신문을 중심으로" 한국언론정보학회 34 : 132-159, 2006

3 이현지, "한국형 SNS 사용자 당파적 정치 행동이론의 제안: 계획된 행동이론과 침묵의 나선이론의 비판적 적용" 한국언론학회 59 (59): 423-451, 2015

4 이화행, "한국언론은 통일을 어떻게 바라보는가?: 정권, 미디어 유형, 개별 언론사별 통일보도 내용분석을 중심으로" 한국방송학회 29 (29): 220-259, 2015

5 신효필, "한국어 감정분석 코퍼스를 활용한 양상정보 기반의 감정분석 연구" 사단법인 한국언어학회 (74) : 93-114, 2016

6 김성근, "학술연구에서의 텍스트마이닝 활용 현황과 주요분석기법" 한국엔터프라이즈아키텍처학회 13 (13): 317-329, 2016

7 이상률, "프레임 경쟁에 따른 언론의 보도 전략: 언론의 기사근거 제공과 익명 정보원 사용" 한국언론학회 58 (58): 378-407, 2014

8 최종환, "통일 관련 언론보도 논조 및 프레임 분석 연구: 김대중 및 박근혜 정부의 보수와 진보신문을 중심으로" 한국커뮤니케이션학회 24 (24): 127-151, 2016

9 안주영, "텍스트 마이닝을 이용한 감정 유발 요인 ‘Emotion Trigger’에 관한 연구" 한국지능정보시스템학회 21 (21): 69-92, 2015

10 최영재, "정치인의 이미지 형성에 관한 실험연구:2차 의제설정 이론의 검증과 확장" 사단법인 언론과 사회 12 (12): 117-144, 2004