The purpose of this study is to analyze the process of German unification and assess how integrative factors or conditions affected the unification process. For this purpose, integrative factors drawn from a number of theories and models are grouped i...
The purpose of this study is to analyze the process of German unification and assess how integrative factors or conditions affected the unification process. For this purpose, integrative factors drawn from a number of theories and models are grouped into eight categories. An analytical framework has been organized to provide a three-dimensional approach. The three dimensions of the German unification process are: i) monetary and economic integration, ii) legal and political integration, and iii) international relations integration. Each dimension has its relevant variables of phenomena or events. The variables for monetary and economic integration include inauguration of the De Maiziere government in East Germany, the method of monetary and economic integration, exchange rates between East and West German Marks, and the state treaty for monetary, economic and social union. Variables for legal and political integration include the East German parliamentary election, the unification treaty, the election treaty and parliamentary integration. The variables for the international relations integration comprise two fields, i.e., international politics and international law.
Germany (the Third German Reich) was divided into the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG or West Germany) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR or East Germany) amid the Cold War order after the Second World War. The German question remained unresolved, and solution of the problem was hampered by the rights and responsibilities of the four Allied Powers (U.S., Soviet Union, Great Britain and France) relating to Berlin and to Germany as a whole. While affected by relations between Eastern and Western blocs - led respectively by the Soviet Union and the United States - the GDR and FRG still laid foundations for reunification through various exchanges and cooperation. The GDR government attempted to limit those interactions, fearing that increased exchanges and cooperation would undermine the identity of East Germans with the GDR. Despite such ‘demarcation[abgrenzung] policies’, intra-German interactions raised East German dependence on West Germany for commodity supplies, hard currency payments and credits. In particular, facing financial crisis in 1983, the GDR asked the FRG government to guarantee a bank credit of 1.95 billion DM. In return for this credit, the GDR had to improve humanitarian conditions, including easing restrictions on travels for the East and West German people, thus contributing to further expanding their communication and contacts. By watching West German television and visiting West Berlin and Germany, East German citizens became attracted to the free democratic system and economic affluence of the West, causing their identity with and allegiance to the GDR to fade.
Against this backdrop, the opening of the Hungarian border with Austria in 1989 offered discontent East Germans with an exit route to flee to West Germany. The fall of the Berlin Wall led more East Germans to leave for the West, which in turn accelerated the collapse of the East German economy. While many people were leaving the East, those who remained took to the streets, calling for democratization and travel liberalization. After the Berlin Wall fell, they also asked for unification and the introduction of the Deutsche Mark to the East, which worked as an internal catalyst for speeding up German unification. An overwhelming victory in the East German parliament [Volkskammer] election by the ‘Alliance for Germany’ which had promised the introduction of the Deutsche Mark and early unification reaffirmed East German voters’ preference for accession [Beitritt] to the FRG rather than ‘a third way’ between socialism and capitalism or gradual unification. Accordingly, both East and West German government decided to achieve legal and political integration pursuant to Article 23 of the Basic Law [Grundgesetz], which was the FRG constitution. Monetary and economic integration was carried out as the first phase of unification via Article 23. The general election result also put pressure on the parties of the 2+4 talks to reach an external agreement on unification before the internal solution made it appear ex post facto. Therefore, the three dimensions of integration were mutually linked and proceeded almost simultaneously.
From this study on the integration process of German unification the following assessments can be made with regard to integration theory and factors.
First, the unification process of Germany can be explained by the approaches of functionalism, neo-functionalism and federalism. From the division of Germany in 1945 until November 1989, West Germany took a functionalist approach by fostering mutual trust through increased exchanges and cooperation with East Germany mostly in non-political functional issues, while easing tensions through a strong commitment to the Western alliance and Ostpolitik towards the Eastern bloc countries. At the end of November 1989, in his ten-point plan for unification, West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl intended to create a ‘supranational organizational framework’ including ‘treaty community’ and ‘confederative structure’ with East Germany. His plan to achieve unification gradually through establishing such joint governing structures was neo-functional. In early 1990, however, due to the continued exodus of East German refugees to the West and East German people’s calls for unification, rapid deterioration of economic conditions in East Germany, and uncertainty about Gorbachev’s domestic power status, Chancellor Kohl opted for early unification. This meant his taking federalist approach by having East Germany accede to the FRG via Article 23 of the latter’s Basic law. Accordingly, German unification was achieved by means of the state treaty for monetary, economic and social union, and the unification treaty between FRG and GDR, and the (two plus four) treaty on the final settlement with respect to Germany.
Second, in East-West German relations, integrative factors such as ‘exchanges and cooperation’, ‘communication’, ‘mutual dependence’ and ‘economic power’ acted together to promote functional cooperation in various sectors, creating favorable conditions for unification. Intra-German cooperation expanded communication and contacts between the East and West German citizens and increased dependence of the East on the West.
Third, seeking freedom and wealth, East Germans shifted their loyalties toward West Germany, and expressed their preference with their feet (exodus), their voices (demonstration) and their ballots (election).
Fourth, East Germans voted for early unification, anticipating such ‘benefits and compensation’ as better living standards and a stabilized economy through the introduction of the Deutsche Mark and the market economic system.
Fifth, West German ‘political elites’, including Chancellor Kohl could succeed in achieving unification while the window of opportunity was open through shrewd and skilled negotiations internally (with the East German government as well as with West German states and political parties) and internationally (with the four Allied Powers.)
Sixth, there was ‘external intervention’ in the process of German unification by the four Powers. In particular, strong and persistent support from the United States and Gorbachev’s rational and pragmatic decisions made vital contributions to unification without war, pain or strife.
Seventh, with its continued ‘economic growth’ in the 1980s, West Germany had enough financial ability to carry out both monetary and economic integration at the same time. Chancellor Kohl could use economic aid as leverage to gain Gorbachev’s support for the successful settlement of the external aspects of unification, including Moscow’s consent to allow a unified Germany to maintain membership in NATO.
With its extensive and intensive description of the process of German unification, this study is expected to provide the following lessons for unification on the Korean peninsula.
First, the integrative factors that had a decisive effect on the process of German unification should be taken into full consideration by South Korea in its policy towards North Korea and unification.
Second, understanding how West Germany coordinated the different interests of the four Allied Powers to achieve unification on its own terms will be conducive to South Korea’s preparation for its diplomacy with its neighboring powers, the U.S., China, Russia and Japan.
Third, North Korea has undoubtedly analyzed the process of German unification, and its conclusions are probably reflected in its policy towards the South. This study will help understand North Korea’s policy attitude and strategies for unification in the future.