세계시민주의, 공동체주의, 자유주의

김지현 ( Ji Hyun Kim ),손철성 ( Cheol Sung Son ) 한국철학사상연구회 2009 시대와 철학 Vol.20 No.2

우리는 하나의 동심원이 아니라 여러 동심원, 즉 가족, 도시, 민족, 국가, 인류 공동체 등 다양한 공동체로 이루어진 삶의 공간 속에 살고 있다. 그런데 우리는 이러한 동심원들이 서로 조화를 이루지 못하고 충돌할 때 어느 것에 우선적인 도덕적 가치를 부여해야 하는지를 선택해야 하는 문제에 부딪친다. 세계 국가를 세우려는 극단적인 세계시민주의를 제외한다면 대부분의 세계시민주의는 다양한 동심원을 인정하기 때문에 특정 지역이나 국가에 대한 관심이나 충성을 배제하지 않는다. 그렇지만 세계시민주의는 가장 중요한 동심원이 인류 전체이고 따라서 인류 전체나 보편적인 도덕적 가치에 대한 충성이 일차적이라고 본다. 모든 인간은 동등한 가치를 지니고 있기 때문에 출신 지역이나 국가에 따라 차별 대우를 받지 않고 세계시민으로서 동등한 대우를 받아야 한다는 것이다. 이처럼 세계시민주의는 보편주의 관점에서 인권과 같은 보편적인 기본 권리와 더불어 인류애의 관점에서 모든 인간에 대한 사랑을 중시한다. 그런데 대체로 공동체주의는 세계시민주의와는 다르게 보편적인 도덕적 가치를 부정하면서 특정 공동체에 타당한 특수한 윤리 규범을 인정하며, 인류 전체에 대한 사랑과 헌신보다는 특정 공동체에 대한 소속감과 연대성, 사랑, 헌신을 더 중시한다. 따라서 이러한 공동체주의는 세계시민주의와 양립하기 어렵다. `다원적 공동체주의`와 `다원적 세계시민주의`는 지역적 공동체성과 더불어 세계시민성의 가치를 인정한다는 점에서 서로 가까이 접근하고 있다. 그러나 복수의 공동체들이 추구하는 가치들이 서로 충돌할 경우에 어떤 공동체의 가치를 더 우선시할지에 대해서는 서로 입장 차이가 있기 때문에 양자는 더 이상 가까워지기 어렵다. 세계시민주의는 공동체주의보다는 자유주의와 양립 가능성이 더 높다. 자유주의는 보편적 권리를 인정하고 그것의 차별 없는 평등한 적용을 주장하는데, 이것을 국가를 넘어서 세계적 차원으로 확대 적용한다면 자유주의는 세계시민주의로 나아갈 수 있다. 그러나 많은 자유주의자들은 실제로 이러한 자유주의의 관점을 국내에만 적용시킬 뿐이고 세계적 차원까지 확대 적용시키지 않고 있기 때문에 세계시민주의자로부터 비판을 받는다. 그리고 `자유주의적 세계시민주의`는 `급진적 세계시민주의`에 비해 상대적으로 낮은 수준의 인류애를 요구하기 때문에 해외 원조에 소극적일 뿐만 아니라 때로는 국경선에 따른 원조 수준의 차이를 인정한다는 점에서 급진적 세계시민주의와는 입장 차이를 보인다. Cosmopolitanism insists that the most important community is the community of all human beings and we should give our first allegiance to all human beings and universal moral values. It insists that all human beings have equal rights and they should be treated equally as cosmopolitans. Cosmopolitanism emphasizes universal human rights and the love of mankind on the viewpoints of universalism and philanthropism. Communitarianism denies universal moral values and approves special ethical norms applied to a certain community. It emphasizes the communal values and solidarity and insists that we should give our first allegiance to a regional community or a national community. So that communitarianism is inconsistent with cosmopolitanism. Plural communitarianism and plural cosmopolitanism are near in that they approve the values of regional community and global community. But they can not be nearer because they seek different values and have different position when the values sought by plural communities are conflict. Cosmopolitanism is more consistent with liberalism than communitarianism. Liberalism emphasizes universal human rights and insists that all human beings should be treated equally. If the ideas of liberalism are expanded to global dimension beyond national dimension liberalism may go forward to cosmopolitanism. But most of libertarians approve the liberal ideas only in the national dimension and do not expand the liberal ideas to global dimension. So that the advocates of cosmopolitanism criticize that kind of liberalism. Liberal cosmopolitanism requires the relatively lower level of love of mankind than radical cosmopolitanism and is not positive in the duty of foreign aid and sometimes approves the different level of foreign aid according to border line. In those points liberal cosmopolitanism are different from radical cosmopolitanism.

Global Risks and Cosmopolitan Citizens in East Asia

Sang-Jin Han 서울대학교 사회발전연구소 2017 Journal of Asian Sociology Vol.46 No.2

This special section is aimed at commemorating Ulrich Beck’s legacy of cosmopolitan sociology. Beck’s ‘methodological cosmopolitanism’ sharply distinguished from ‘methodological nationalism’ is of profound significance over knowledge production in social science from the very assumptions of the world we investigate to the concrete methodological rules of theory construction, data collection, and interpretation. However, his theory is more structural than empirical. as a whole. Thus, this paper attempts to link his theory to social action by distinguishing push and pull factors in cosmopolitan change. This will be followed by an attempt to bring Beck’s advocacy of global city as a cosmopolitan actor to a sociological theory of cosmopolitan citizens. A typology of citizens based on social identity will be proposed for this. With these two conceptual clarifications, this paper argues that Beck’s cosmopolitan sociology can be fruitfully linked to an empirical theory of cosmopolitan actor. The paper will then examine the moral and ethical issues related to nuclear disaster, particularly nuclear power plant (NPP) and attempt to clarify how the eco-friendly cosmopolitan morality differs from the growth oriented techno-morality inscribed in the development of nuclear technology. The next step is to examine how these two types of morality interact each other in the case of the Fukushima disaster and NPP issues. The major outcomes of empirical analysis will then be presented. The data analysis supports Beck’s concept of global city as cosmopolitan actor by demonstrating that Tokyo goes ahead of Seoul and Beijing in terms of strong cosmopolitan morality. Yet the analysis goes beyond Beck by showing that in all the three global cities in East Asia, Beijing, Seoul, and Tokyo, it is Public Citizens (and then Popular Citizens) who are stronger in cosmopolitan morality than other groups. These findings show some salient characteristics of cosmopolitan citizens in East Asia and can be seen as a genuine contribution to Beck’s cosmopolitan sociology.

Global Risks and Cosmopolitan Citizens in East Asia: A Look at the Fukushima Disaster and Nuclear Power Plant

한상진 서울대학교 사회발전연구소 2017 Journal of Asian Sociology Vol.46 No.2

This special section is aimed at commemorating Ulrich Beck’s legacy of cosmopolitan sociology. Beck’s ‘methodological cosmopolitanism’ sharply distinguished from ‘methodological nationalism’ is of profound significance over knowledge production in social science from the very assumptions of the world we investigate to the concrete methodological rules of theory construction, data collection, and interpretation. However, his theory is more structural than empirical. as a whole. Thus, this paper attempts to link his theory to social action by distinguishing push and pull factors in cosmopolitan change. This will be followed by an attempt to bring Beck’s advocacy of global city as a cosmopolitan actor to a sociological theory of cosmopolitan citizens. A typology of citizens based on social identity will be proposed for this. With these two conceptual clarifications, this paper argues that Beck’s cosmopolitan sociology can be fruitfully linked to an empirical theory of cosmopolitan actor. The paper will then examine the moral and ethical issues related to nuclear disaster, particularly nuclear power plant (NPP) and attempt to clarify how the eco-friendly cosmopolitan morality differs from the growth oriented techno-morality inscribed in the development of nuclear technology. The next step is to examine how these two types of morality interact each other in the case of the Fukushima disaster and NPP issues. The major outcomes of empirical analysis will then be presented. The data analysis supports Beck’s concept of global city as cosmopolitan actor by demonstrating that Tokyo goes ahead of Seoul and Beijing in terms of strong cosmopolitan morality. Yet the analysis goes beyond Beck by showing that in all the three global cities in East Asia, Beijing, Seoul, and Tokyo, it is Public Citizens (and then Popular Citizens) who are stronger in cosmopolitan morality than other groups. These findings show some salient characteristics of cosmopolitan citizens in East Asia and can be seen as a genuine contribution to Beck’s cosmopolitan sociology.

한나 아렌트와 세계시민주의 재고: ‘권리를 가질 권리’ 개념을 중심으로

박치완 한국하이데거학회 2024 현대유럽철학연구 Vol.- No.72

‘유럽의 유럽화(Europeanisation of Europe)’를 기치로 최근 유럽학계에서는 세계시민주의를 계몽주의적 가치를 부활시키는 것과 동일시하는 경향이 있다. 하버마스와 데리다가 그 대표주자이다. 이들에게 세계시민주의는 어디까지나 유럽과 유럽인을 위한 세계시민주의를 의미하는 데 그치기 때문에 불행히도 ‘지역주의’의 한계를 벗어나지 못한다. 이들의 유일한 목표는 ‘세계시민적 유럽’을 재구성해 ‘유럽의 르네상스’를 도모하는 데 있다. 그런데 아렌트는 ‘홀로코스트의 재앙’이 곧 유럽의 계몽주의가 인권을 보호하지 못한 단적인 예라고 비판하면서 유대인에게 계몽주의는 삶의 희망을 앗아간 준-인종적 사상이자 인권 상실의 상징이라고 단언하기에 이른다. 여기서 우리는 우리가 입에 발린 듯 운운하는 인권, 자유, 평등, 민주주의, 계몽주의, 세계시민주의와 같은 이념들이 얼마나 배타적이고 모난 정치적 수사에 불과한지를 새삼 되돌아보게 된다. 아렌트가 ‘권리를 가질 권리(right to have rights)’ 개념을 통해 ‘인권’의 문제를 근본적으로 재고찰한 이유가 여기에 있다. 히틀러 치하의 유대인처럼 국권도 인권도 상실한 채 자신의 권리를 요구할 아무런 권한이나 권리를 가지고 있지 않은 자에게 권리를 부여하는 것, 즉 ‘권리를 가질 권리’의 핵심이 바로 여기에 있다. 아렌트의 세계시민주의에 대한 구상도 같은 ‘권리를 가질 권리’와 같은 뿌리에서 출발한다. 이러한 연구 관점에 준해 제2장에서는 계몽주의적 이성, 보편주의, 세계화의 탈을 쓴 작금의 세계시민주의 논의가 노정한 허상에 대해 비판해 볼 것이다. 그리고 이어서 아렌트 고유의 세계시민주의적 이상(理想)을 ‘권리를 가질 권리’ 개념을 집중적으로 분석함으로써 세계시민주의가 나아가야 할 방향에 대해 성찰하는 기회를 가져볼 계획이다. 제3장 결론에서는 오늘 우리에게 필요한 것은 더 이상 “‘이즘’으로써 세계시민주의”가 아니라 “실제적 세계시민주의”라는 점을 함께 고민해 보고자 하며, 비유럽권의 관점에서 평가할 때 아렌트의 세계시민주의적 이상마저도 ‘계몽주의적 플롯’에 갇혀있을 수 있다는 점을 되짚어 보는 시간을 가질까 한다. Under the banner of the “Europeanization of Europe”, recent European academic circles have tended to equate cosmopolitanism with the revival Enlightenment values. This tendency can be seen in J. Habermas and J. Derrida as representative scholars. For them, cosmopolitanism cannot escape regionalism in the sense that the latter translates into cosmopolitanism for Europe and Europeans. Their only goal was to promote a European Renaissance by reconstructing a cosmopolitan Europe. However, H. Arendt criticized the catastrophe of the Holocaust as a clear example of the European Enlightenment’s failure to protect human rights and went so far as to assert that for Jews, the Enlightenment was a quasi-racial ideology that took away hope for life and a symbol of the loss of human rights. Here, we reflect on the exclusivity and mediocriy of the ideologies that people discuss, such as human rights, freedom, equality, democracy, enlightenment, and cosmopolitanism, and reveal them as nothing more than political rhetoric. This is why Arendt fundamentally reconsidered the issue of human rights through the concept of “the right to have rights”, whose core is as follows: granting rights to those who, similar to the Jews under Hitler, have lost national sovereignty and human rights and have no power or authority to demand their rights. Arendt's concepttion of cosmopolitanism also originates from these roots. Based on the abovementioned perspective, we criticize the illusions exposed by the current discussion of cosmopolitanism under the guise of enlightenment, universalism, and globalization. We also take the opportunity to reflect on the direction in which cosmopolitanism should move by analyzing Arendt's idea of appropriate cosmopolitanism, focusing on the concept of “the right to have rights.” Finally, we argue that what we need today is no longer cosmopolitanism as an -ism, but a real (practical) cosmopolitanism. When evaluated from the perspective of non-European countries, Arendt’s cosmopolitan ideals indicate that cosmopolitanism cannot escape the criticism that is trapped in the Enlightenment plot.

Another Cosmopolitanism: A Critical Reconstruction of the Neo-Confucian Conception of Tianxiaweigong (天下爲公) in the Age of Global Risks

박영도,한상진 서울대학교 사회발전연구소 2014 Journal of Asian Sociology Vol.43 No.2

In this paper we would like to present the profile of ‘another’ cosmopolitanismthrough critical reconstruction of one of the core elements in Chinese political imaginary,the conception of Tianxiaweigong (天下爲公), which means literally: “All under theHeaven belongs to the public.” The first meaning of ‘another cosmopolitanism’ lies in thefact that it starts not from the main western tradition of cosmopolitanism, but from thetradition of Confucian political thoughts. However, it has a second, but more importantmeaning that is concerned with two deficits which the cosmopolitan publicness in the ageof global risks should cope with; the “democratic deficit” and what we would like to call‘ecological deficits’. The critical cosmopolitan project in the age of global risks needs to bereflective in dual senses to cope with both two deficits. The second meaning of ‘anothercosmopolitanism’ lies in this critical cosmopolitan project. So our method of critical reconstruction is for putting together these two meanings tocreate a critical Confucian cosmopolitanism in a hermeneutic circle. On the one hand, we will reconstruct the Confucian cosmopolitanism from the viewpoint of the criticalcosmopolitanism, and one the other hand we will explore the potentials of Confuciancosmopolitanism for providing the model of reflective publicness in its dual senses which isnecessary for critical cosmopolitanism. We would like to proceed in the following way. First, we will present basic features ofthe cosmopolitanism implied in Tianxiaweigong and explain the reason why the reflectivepublicness in its dual senses is necessary for critical cosmopolitanism. Second, the grammarof Confucian cosmopolitan publicness contained in Neo-Confucian conception of Tianxiaweigong will be reconstructed. Third, we will discuss the three paths ofreconstructing the Heavenly Principle in the name of the dialectic of Confucianenlightenment, and, based on this reconstruction, will present the profile of the ecodemocraticpublicness as the critically reconstructed Neo-Confucian cosmopolitan order. Lastly, we will explain its reflective structure in its dual sense and explore its implicationfor our age of global risks.

Another Cosmopolitanism

Young-Do Park(박영도),Sang-Jin Han(한상진) 서울대학교 사회발전연구소 2014 Journal of Asian Sociology Vol.43 No.2

In this paper we would like to present the profile of ‘another’ cosmopolitanism through critical reconstruction of one of the core elements in Chinese political imaginary, the conception of Tianxiaweigong (天下爲公), which means literally: “All under the Heaven belongs to the public.” The first meaning of ‘another cosmopolitanism’ lies in the fact that it starts not from the main western tradition of cosmopolitanism, but from the tradition of Confucian political thoughts. However, it has a second, but more important meaning that is concerned with two deficits which the cosmopolitan publicness in the age of global risks should cope with; the “democratic deficit” and what we would like to call ‘ecological deficits’. The critical cosmopolitan project in the age of global risks needs to be reflective in dual senses to cope with both two deficits. The second meaning of ‘another cosmopolitanism’ lies in this critical cosmopolitan project. So our method of critical reconstruction is for putting together these two meanings to create a critical Confucian cosmopolitanism in a hermeneutic circle. On the one hand, we will reconstruct the Confucian cosmopolitanism from the viewpoint of the critical cosmopolitanism, and one the other hand we will explore the potentials of Confucian cosmopolitanism for providing the model of reflective publicness in its dual senses which is necessary for critical cosmopolitanism. We would like to proceed in the following way. First, we will present basic features of the cosmopolitanism implied in Tianxiaweigong and explain the reason why the reflective publicness in its dual senses is necessary for critical cosmopolitanism. Second, the grammar of Confucian cosmopolitan publicness contained in Neo-Confucian conception of Tianxiaweigong will be reconstructed. Third, we will discuss the three paths of reconstructing the Heavenly Principle in the name of the dialectic of Confucian enlightenment, and, based on this reconstruction, will present the profile of the ecodemocratic publicness as the critically reconstructed Neo-Confucian cosmopolitan order. Lastly, we will explain its reflective structure in its dual sense and explore its implication for our age of global risks.

애피아의 '뿌리내린 코스모폴리터니즘'과 유럽중심주의

염운옥 湖西史學會 2012 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.63

This paper examines Kwame Anthony Appiah's rooted cosmopolitanism. Under the condition of globalization and the crisis of multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism which has long been forgotten comes back. Appiah's cosmopolitanism is one of the most noteworthy idea among the returned cosmopolitanisms. Appiah tries to reconstruct cosmopolitanism by the concepts of 'rooted cosmopolitanism' and 'cosmopolitan patriot.' His reconfiguration of cosmopolitanism is performed through his intervention in the controversy between Martha Nussbaum's cosmopolitanism and patriotism. He also involved in the debate on Charles Taylor's multiculturalism and the politics of recognition. The peculiarity of Appiah's cosmopolitanism lies in the fact that his cosmopolitanism is not a doctrine of justice but an ethics of identity and culture. His cosmopolitanism cannot be understood by separating his personal life history and fluid identity as a son of Ghanaian father and British mother. He tries to harmonize cosmopolitanism and patriotism under the principles of liberalism such as equal dignity and individual autonomy. His liberalism, however, works as an obstacle which makes his cosmopolitanism not to open to minority and subaltern. Furthermore the cosmopolitanism of the Enlightenment is inseparable from the European colonialism and modernity. Appiah's cosmopolitanism also shares Eurocentric ideas with Enlightenment cosmopolitanism.

Human Rights, Pandemic, and Cosmopolitanism: A Christian Cosmopolitanism for the Post-Pandemic Anthropocene

이성림(Sung Lim Lee) 성공회대학교 신학연구소 2021 Madang: Journal of Contextual Theology Vol.35 No.1

This article aims to endorse Christian cosmopolitanism, which deconstructs cosmopolitanism of the strong and victors and at the same time reconstructs new solidarity of the least. The post-Cold War globalization, inheriting a series of global antagonism and crimes against humanity from the short but deeply wounded twentieth century, faced a new challenge of integration and fragmentation. This globalization resulted in massive global subaltern in Gayatri Spivak’s term, which requested that globalization be more ethical-moral to take care of the new global subaltern, the least, or minjung. Now the precedented pandemic demands cosmopolitan care and charity for humanity. Christian cosmopolitanism at the outset of Christianity was an inverted cosmopolitanism. Christian inverse cosmopolitanism did not pursue the unification of the empire but undifferentiated care and charity for the least in the enveloped life-world. Three discourses will be argued for inverse cosmopolitanism: spirituality for the least, the spirituality of hospitality, and spirituality of pilgrimage.

THE ASIAN MILLENNIAL COSMOPOLITANS IN TAIWAN NIGHT MARKET

Kezia Sarah Abednego,Faye Jufei Kao 글로벌지식마케팅경영학회 2018 Global Marketing Conference Vol.2018 No.07

This study relies on Gustafson’s (2001) self-environment-others framework to investigate Asian millennials’ cosmopolitan discourse in the context of Taiwan night market. In the eyes of Asian millennial cosmopolitans, the local Taiwan night market experience not only represents local consumption pattern, but also reflects the global appropriation of local consumption meaning. Introduction Asian millennials are those who were born in the early 1980s until 2000s. They are the “lucky” generation to grow up in the economic resurrection in Asia. They possess distinguished characteristics from the previous generations (Chu & Welsh, 2015). Therefore, they emerge to become the influential change agents. Their cultural consumption behaviour and preference has significant influence on local cultural experience design. Cosmopolitanism in consumer culture refers to an identity discourse in respond to globalization. Cosmopolitan identity inspires ones to seek personal enrichment through consumption of cultural diversity (Thompson & Tambyah, 1999). The concept of cosmopolitanism can be traced back to two parallel perspectives: Greek Stoicism (Appiah, 2010) and Chinese Confucianism (Chun, 2012). The western cosmopolitanism conceptualizes cosmopolitans as the citizen of cosmos. Showing loyalty toward the worldly community and against the community where ones had been born is the major conduct that these cosmos citizens are oriented toward to (Delanty & He, 2008). In contrast, the eastern cosmopolitanism originates from the concept of Tianxia (天下) (Chun, 2012), which is based on the natural geography, the concept of political control from the central power to all the remote areas, and the concept of ethical conduct within the regime of the common area. Recent research on cosmopolitanism recognizes the possible variations of cosmopolitanism in different cultural context (Chun, 2012), and perpetuates the need to investigate cosmopolitanism as socio-cultural specific forms(Delanty & He, 2008). Enlighted by this notion, this study investigates an alternative form of cosmopolitan discourse specific to the rising Asian millennials, and its implications in local night market culture experience design. Night market as the venue for cultural experience study Night market is a common marketplace in Asia. Over 1,000 years (since Sung Dynasty A.D. 960 – 1279) night market has already existed in China. Night market has dispersed to other Asian countries along with the regional migration of Chinese ethnic group (Pottie-Sherman & Hiebert, 2013). Despite its Chinese origin, night market has evolved to a cosmopolitan consumption space providing local cultural experiences. It was found that there are seven dimensions of cultural experiences (Yu, 2004): night time (Zerubavel, 1985), shi (市/market), xiaochi (小吃/ small food), vending/vendor, temporality, renao (熱鬧/ lively and crowded condition), and renqingwei (人情味 / human touch). Night market provides local experience for global visitors (Chen, Lee, Chang, Hou, & Lin, 2008). Therefore, this study chooses night market as the consumption venue for investigation. Methodology This study relies on Gustafson’s (2001) tri-polar model of self-environment-others to guide the post-structuralist reading of field observation scripts. Self is the agent to interpret the meaning of the place; environment refers to the socio-cultural aspects of the physical place; others refer to the dynamic social aspects in the place. The informants were all Indonesians. The two authors went with two Indonesian MBA graduates to Huayuan Night Market in the first trip. The first author went with six Indonesian MBA students to Dadong Night Market in a second trip. The two night markets visited in this study were Huayuan Night Market (花園夜市) on November 3rd 2016, and Dadong Night Market (大東夜市) on November 22nd 2016. Both of the night markets were located in Tainan, Taiwan. Result In this session, we synthesized the qualitative data, and integrated the result with existing literatures to discuss the characteristics of Asian millennial cosmopolitans. 1. A cosmopolitan identity rooted on confucianism’s tianxia (天下) The notion of tianxia has already emerged starting in Xia Dynasty (Chun, 2012). Tianxia is rooted from Confucius (551 – 479 B.C) from the traditional literature of liyundatong (禮運大同). Since then, the concept has been embedded in the historical development of Chinese geographic expansion experiences, and in the fusion of the invading alien culture in China. The cosmopolitan ideology of tianxia can be found in the night market. Night market is a place that open for all. The visitors were diverse. Not only the local people (the Taiwanese) but also foreign people can enjoy the lively atmosphere of the night market. Those who had money and status also can come to enjoy the night market, not only limited for those in the “low social class”. Even though night market perceived as the marginal place, but in the night market all people are the same. Everyone can enjoy. 2. A transient cosmopolitan identity based on mass media, global brand consumption, and tourism international travel The Asian consumer cosmopolitanism mostly spawned from the popular culture disseminated from mass media, global brand consumption, or tourist traveling. People relying on mass media and global brand consumption as venues for exchange of identities, ideas, images, religion, language, music, lifestyle, sport, etc (Huang, 2006). The usage of English as the second language, household living standard, years of schooling, and economics of internalization are the greatest aspect of high level of cosmopolitanism in Asia (Brown & Baogang, 2012). In addition, because of the increasing tourists traveling around the world, the cosmopolitan lifestyle characterizes the Asia millennials as moving out of their locals temporarily. Tourism and international travel are related to lifestyle cosmopolitanism and critical cosmopolitanism. Those characteristics differ from those cosmopolitans of the diaspora moving permanently out of their home countries. Similar to European counterparts with several identities simultaneously (Ong, 1999), however, the Asian millennials’ identities are more transient and fluid. Night market provides a temporary consumption space for the locals to indulge in authentic lower social class experience, and for the foreign visitors to sample local experience. 3. An imagined cosmopolitan identity Because of the low social class, who are the major visitors at night market, have lower disposable income, the visitors of night market choose to consume counterfeits as long as they can be seen as “wealthy class”, which often associated with a cosmopolitan image (Huat, 2004). Counterfeits provide them imagined experience to participate in material consumption beyond their affordable income. The Asian millennials also are capable of relied on the images of lower social class from mass media to appropriate their night market experience, which results in an imagined cosmopolitan experience. The night market is an evidence of a space depicting the imagined cosmopolitan consumption experience. 4. Double marginality The primary marginality comes form night market itself. Night market is perceived as the marginal place since the patronages are mostly from the lower social class in the society (Yu, 1995). Night market is regarded as a place selling the counterfeits and low quality items, which are accessible to those who cannot afford to buy the originals. The secondary marginality comes from the cosmopolitan identity. Cosmopolitans orient their mind to a broader identity like the nation or the world. The cosmopolitans are rootless who do not belong to any one community, and hence, marginal (Merton, 1957). In addition, the Asian cosmopolitans are perceived as marginal in the global cosmopolitan context since they are peripheral to the core of the global or western dominated cosmopolitans. 5. A sense of one community identity The other way to see the Asia cosmopolitanism is based in the civilizational crossfertilization. This civilizational is the result of cross-cultural fertilization as against to separate and autonomous civilizations. The hybrid cultural form of Asia provides fertile ground to develop cosmopolitanism. The Asian millennials emphasize the “we” cosmopolitans as an opposed to “I” cosmopolitans. The Asian millennials went in a group either with friends from the same ethnic background, or with their local Taiwanese friends. Asia profess collectivism, which is tending to strong community orientation (Holbrook & Hirschman, 1982). The Asian cosmopolitans believe that they are in the same state or level of development state or in the same time zone other part of Asian, and later they made the imagined community. They also believe there is a cultural relationship in the various Asian countries (Funabashi, 1992), that is the Confucianism (Delanty & He, 2008). Evidence from night market study showed the strong sense of belonging as a group. When some members from the group were in trouble, someone would offer to be a “savior” to help. 6. Cautious cosmopolitans Although similar to the European counterparts of having a penchant to consume the authentic product or service, looking for variety and the exotic simulation, and relying heavily on the social media, the Asian millennial cosmopolitans tend to show a follower characteristic when exploring new experience. Also, they are mostly like a passive participants or mere observers in the foreign experience. conclusions and implications to cultural experience design This study relies on the framework of self-environment-others (Gustafson, 2001) to investigate Asian millennials’ cosmopolitanism in Taiwan local night market context. This research finds that in addition to the same characteristics of their western counterparts, Asian millennial cosmopolitans exhibit five unique characteristics. Although the local Taiwan night market is expected to render authentic local consumption, it is experienced as an imagined global practice. Or, alternatively, the imagined global culture consumption is experienced as authentic local. While the Aisan millennials eager to experience the local night market cultural authenticity, they also constantly refer to their similar home night market culture meaning framework. For the Asian millennials, the Taiwanese local experience is framed in both an imagined global meaning context, and an authentic other locals, i.e. the idiosyncratic home culture meaning frameworks of the cosmopolitans’. However, the Asian millennial cosmopolitans are capable of appropriating the gaps in these cultural meaning discourses. The appropriation process is where local, and global cultural meaning has the opportunity to be redefined, and reorganized. The implications from this study can be applied to local cultural experience design. The results also provides valuable perspectives for culture institutions, such as night market managing organizations, in their communication strategy to these Asian millennial cosmopolitans.

세계시민성의 재구상 —다문화주의 이후의 세계시민주의

김성호 한국비평이론학회 2009 비평과이론 Vol.15 No.2

Liberal or postmodern at its core, contemporary cosmopolitanism is an attempt to negotiate both globalization and multicultural particularism. This paper critically discusses three positions in today’s cosmopolitanism: the liberal-universalist project of “cosmopolitan democracy”; the post-identitarian case for “actually existing cosmopolitanism”; and the “communitarian cosmopolitanism” offering apologia for the nation-state and internationalism. Archibugi’s “cosmopolitan democracy” is an ideal response to the many problems and crises on our globe which seem to call for positive world governance. Yet doubts arise as to whether the transnational power of “a world parliament” will not be turned into a new global oligarchy. Arguments for “actually existing cosmopolitanism” invite no less criticism. Above all, the notion of the multiple belonging of “minoritarian cosmopolitans” comes curiously close to the viewpoint of frequent flyers, a new privileged class in the age of global capitalism. Finally, “communitarian cosmopolitanism” takes a stand against postnational discourses, stressing on local solidarity and democratization. The stress, though needful enough, should not lead us into an alliance with ethnocentric nationalism; local concerns should instead be substantially articulated with cosmopolitan interests.