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At the present, South Korea 's security is as urgent as North Korea's denuclearization because North Korea's espionage is very active. The core to espionage in Korea is that, since the Korean War following the invasion of North Korea, most terrorist activities and espionage activities have been executed by North Korea, anti communist investigation has targeted the North Korean regime. However, while South Korea underwent a democratic regime transfer, some regimes have been friendly to North Korea according, and counter intelligence agency dealing with intelligence on North Korea caused rapid changes to power transfer, reduction of organization, and personnel, so it is not possible to pursue the policy of counter intelligence activities coherently. Therefore, in this study, I have examined the security strategy of the Korean counter intelligence agency against North Korean espionage activities for college students majoring in security at Korean universities at the present time starting with the incident of a North Korean female spy, who was disguised as an employee for a cafe located in Gyeongsan-shi, Gyeongbuk and who was arrested after handing over the intelligence gathered on North Korean defectors to North Korea in 2014. First, South Korea's counter intelligence manpower should be increased. Second, the legal grounds for South Korea's counter intelligence activities should be further expanded. Third, it is necessary to develop various techniques of counter intelligence activities in South Korea. Fourth, the scope of counter intelligence activities should be expanded in Korea. Fifth, South Korea’s counter intelligence education should be expanded. Sixth, South Korea's counter intelligence agencies should expand investigative cooperation. As a result of the study, I was able to derive such results and have presented directions for North Korea’s espionage activities based on the political environment in Korea.
Last April, Korea and U.S. agreed on establishing a FTA and have signed the agreement on last June. Due to Korea's organization's calculation and prospect, with the effectuation of the Korea-U.S. FTA, Korea's products exported to U.S. will be exempted from tax, which will bring a great advantage to Korea's exportation. However. the fact that in U.S. market, Korea's main competing countries are China, Japan, and Mexico and the fact that Japan is the main competing country in Korea's main export market(cars and electronics), need to be noted. Also, it can be predicted that Japan would consider multiple countermoves such as lowering the price of exported goods, increasing the production and utilizing NAFTA to catch up with Korea's competitive price. In this paper, economic relationship between Korea and the U.S. between Japan and the U.S. will be discussed as well as the competition between Korea and Japan in U.S. market. Also, the thesis will discuss Japan's evaluation on Korea-U.S. FTA and forecast Japan's countermoves.
This study explores the cultural and ideological factors that conditioned U.S. policy in Korea during the early period of U.S.-Korean relations (1882-1905) and Washington’s de facto pro-Japan policy. Key officials in Washington possessed negative perceptions of Korea that influenced their policymaking on an ideological level. These men perceived Korea to be a backward country averse to progress and generally believed that Japan should guide Korea to civilization. This article suggests that Washington’s perceptions of Korea were firmly rooted in a cultural discourse on Korea, which was shaped largely by dominant representations of Korea in popular texts of the period. Representations of Korea in newspaper articles and commercial texts were influenced by Americans’ early hostile encounters with the “hermit nation,” colored by ethnographic descriptions of Korea’s “backwardness,” and informed by racial stereotypes and the ideologies of imperialism prevalent in the West. It was also mediated by Japanese information channels. These texts generated a popular discourse on Korea that likely impacted Washington’s perceptions of Korea and conditioned its pro-Japan policy. They help to explain the perceptual rift that developed between policymakers in Washington and the American diplomatic community in Korea. In focusing on the nature and origins of the early American discourse on Korea, the purpose of this article is to contribute to scholarship on early U.S.-Korean relations by exploring how cultural facts may have conditioned U.S. foreign policy in Korea. It also aims to start a conversation about public awareness of Korea during the period and the importance of public opinion as a political force in the United States.
In this study, we mainly discuss about the Korea‐EU FTA which seems to be relatively easier to be completed than the Korea‐USA FTA. For this, firstly we review the FTA policy of the EU and Korea. We also analyze the economic effects of the Korea‐EU FTA, comparing it with the economic effects of the Korea‐USA FTA. We will analyze how the USA‐Mexico FTA was established. Finally, based on this research, the following suggestions are suggested to the Korean government for the successful completion of the Korea‐EU FTA. Firstly, we should consider enough about our position towards the current trade‐related issues which have been raised by both Korea and the EU for the FTA negotiations with the EU. Secondly, we should make efforts to increase the number of products made by Kaesung special economic area, which we will try to persuade the EU to recognize them as Korean made products at the negotiations. This is very important for the future economic relations between the North and South Korea. Thirdly, Korea should also well prepare our positions towards negotiations in service sector with the EU. This is because the EU has comparative advantages in the international market so that the EU is expected to maximize their benefits in the service sector in the negotiation for the Korea‐EU FTA. 이 논문에서는 유럽연합(EU)이 한국의 FTA 상대로서의 가능성을 심층 분석하고 있다. 이를 위해 우선 한국과 EU의 FTA가 한국 경제에 미칠 수 있는 경제적 효과를 기존의 연구결과를 중심으로 분석하였다. 또한 EU와의 FTA협정을 추진함에 있어서 예상되는 어려움 등을 이미 EU가 설립한 EUMexico FTA 협정을 분석함으로써 조사했다. 동시에 이 분석을 기초로 하여 한국이 EU와 FTA를 추진함에 있어서 바람직하다고 생각되는 전략을 소개하고 있다.
Over the last decade and a half, both U.S.-North Korea and inter-Korean relations exhibited a pendulum swing between periods of confrontation and accommodation. Between the U.S. and South Korea, there emerged both divergence and convergence in the strategies toward North Korea. This paper seeks to explain the convergence and divergence of South Korean and U.S. strategies toward North Korea’s nuclear program on the basis of a theoretical framework that is derived from Robert Jervis’s (1976) discussion of the spiral model and deterrence theory, and Glenn Snyder’s (1984, 1997) alliance security dilemma between abandonment and entrapment. The major argument of this paper is that the convergence and divergence of U.S. and South Korean strategies toward North Korea can be explained by each alliance member’s belief about North Korea’s intentions, the nature of its demand, and the relative costs of concessions and military conflict. Each alliance member’s strategy toward North Korea is also constrained by the presence of an alliance security dilemma in the form of two dangers — entrapment and abandonment. Over the last decade and a half, both U.S.-North Korea and inter-Korean relations exhibited a pendulum swing between periods of confrontation and accommodation. Between the U.S. and South Korea, there emerged both divergence and convergence in the strategies toward North Korea. This paper seeks to explain the convergence and divergence of South Korean and U.S. strategies toward North Korea’s nuclear program on the basis of a theoretical framework that is derived from Robert Jervis’s (1976) discussion of the spiral model and deterrence theory, and Glenn Snyder’s (1984, 1997) alliance security dilemma between abandonment and entrapment. The major argument of this paper is that the convergence and divergence of U.S. and South Korean strategies toward North Korea can be explained by each alliance member’s belief about North Korea’s intentions, the nature of its demand, and the relative costs of concessions and military conflict. Each alliance member’s strategy toward North Korea is also constrained by the presence of an alliance security dilemma in the form of two dangers — entrapment and abandonment.
Some argue that the Korea-U.S. alliance was deteriorated because of self-reliance policy of South Korean government and anti-American sentiment in Korea. Such issues as discrepancy of North Korea policy between Korea and the U.S., relocation of the United States Forces Korea, and war time operational control were pointed out as the major factors that undermined the Korea-U.S. alliance. This paper examines the decision making processes of those issues mentioned above to define the factors that led the deterioration of the Korea-U.S. alliance. The result of the examination of the three cases shows that the discrepancy of between Korea and the U.S. with regard to North Korea policy and dispute about relocation of the United States Forces Korea had been led by the U.S., while the issue of war time operational control was initiated by the Korean government. Especially the major factors that led the U.S. to content with Korea with regard to the issues was the Bush government's new grand strategy. Thus, it is clear that it was not such Korean domestic factors as the Ro Moohyun government's self-reliance policy and anti-American sentiment but the U.S. grand strategy that undermined the Korea-U.S. alliance.
1900년 6월 16일 서양인 17명이 서울 유니언(Seoul Union) 독서실에 모여서 왕립아시아학회 한국지부(Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland)(이하 ‘한국지부’로 줄임)를 창립하였다. 한국지부는 1824년 왕의 칙허를 받은 영국 학회의 지부를 표방하였으나 런던보다는 한국에서 활동하던 사람들의 의지로 설립되었고, 다른 지부들과 마찬가지로 본부의 통제를 거의 받지 않으면서 연구발표회를 개최하고 학술지 『한국지부 회보(Transactions of the Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society)』(이하 ‘『회보』’로 줄임)를 간행하였다. 이 단체는 창립 초기 다소 어려움을 겪었으나 1910년대 초 자리를 잡았으며, 태평양 전쟁으로 일제가 미국인 선교사들을 강제 귀국시킬 때까지 약 30년간 국내외 서양인들에 의한 한국 연구의 본진으로 기능하였다. 1947년 12월 18일 소수의 영미권 인사들에 의하여 재조직되어 작년에 창립 120주년을 맞았다. 이 논문은 1940~1940년 한국지부의 초기 역사를 1900~1916년, 1917~1928년, 1929~1940년의 3개 시기로 구분하여 다룬 결과 다음과 같은 고찰을 얻었다. 첫째, 존스(George H. Jones, 1867~1919), 헐버트(Homer B. Hulbert, 1863~1949), 게일(James S. Gale, 1863~1937)이 창립에 중요한 역할을 담당하였다. 특히 게일은 존스와 헐버트가 한국을 떠난 후 한국지부의 정착에 기여하였다. 둘째, 한국 연구에 진정한 열정을 가진 영국국교회 선교사들이 있었다. 트롤로프(Mark N. Trollope, 1862~1930)는 존스, 헐버트, 게일과 마찬가지로 ‘선교사 겸 학자’였던 랜디스(Eli B. Landis, 1865~1898)의 영향으로 한국지부 초창기에 『회보』에 연구 결과를 발표하였다. 그는 1917년 이래 거의 매년 한국지부 회장으로 선출되는 한편 동료 선교사들이 한국을 연구할 수 있도록 돕기도 했다. 셋째, 1920년대 말부터 미국 선교사 2세들이 한국지부를 이끌기 시작하였다. 그 중에서도 노블(Harod J. Noble, 1903~1953)과 맥큔(George M. McCune, 1908~1948)은 한국 연구로 박사 학위를 받고 미국 학계에 진입하였다. 비슷한 시기 천주교 선교사 에카르트(Andreas Eckardt, 1883~1974) 역시 한국 연구로 박사 학위를 받고 독일 한국학의 개척자가 되었다. On June 16th, 1900, seventeen Western people gathered at the reading room, Seoul Union, and founded the Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (Korea Branch). It was established as a branch of the British academic association which received its charter in 1824, but its founding fathers were residents in Korea, rather than those in London. They held regular meetings for research presentation and published Transactions of the Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Transactions). They barely received intervention of the headquarters. It settled in the early 1910s after some difficulty, and had been the center of Korean studies for about thirty years until the Japanese forced American missionaries to leave Korea. It was reestablished by a few American and British people on December 18th, 1947. Last year saw its 120th year. This article reviews the early history of the Korea Branch between 1900 and 1940, and divides it into three stages (1900-1916, 1917-1928 and 1929- 1940). First, George H. Jones (1867-1919), Homer B. Hulbert (1863-1949) and James S. Gale (1863-1937) had a major role in its foundation. Especially, Gale contributed to its settlement after Jones and Hulbert left Korea. Secondly, some Anglican missionaries had a real enthusiasm for Korean studies. Under the influence Eli B. Landis (1865-1898), missionary and scholar like Jones, Hulbert and Gale, Mark N. Trollope (1862-1930) published his research to Transactions in the initial period. He had been elected as president almost every year since 1917, and helped his colleagues study Korea. Finally, in the end of 1920s, second generation of American missionaries in Korea started leading the Korea Branch. Among them, Harold J. Noble (1903-1953) and George M. McCune (1908-1948) got a doctor’s degree in Korean studies and entered the world of academia in the United States. Around the same time, Andreas Eckardt (1883-1974), Catholic missionary, got a doctor’s degree as well and became a pioneer in Korean studies in Germany.
Korea and China have promoted a bilateral FTA since 2005 to upgrade theireconomic relationships. If the Korea-China FTA is concluded, then trade between the two countries is likely to involve substantial changes both quantitatively and qualitatively. Offer lists submitted by Korea include steel, petrochemicals and machinery and those by China include some agricultural and marine products as well as nonferrous metals. Korea's interest in the Korea-China FTA has focused mainly on damage to the agricultural sector and there have been a lot of studies on the effects of the FTA on Korean agricultural sector. However, little is known about why China includes the nonferrous metals industry for early voluntary liberalization and its implications for the domestic economy. Nonferrous metals industry is one of China’s national strategic sectors and has a large supply excess in the country. This study targets the survey of Chinese nonferrous metals industry and trade structure and considers the problem of nonferrous metals in the context of negotiations for the Korea-China FTA and its implications for a higher-quality Korea-China FTA. Korea and China have promoted a bilateral FTA since 2005 to upgrade their economic relationships. If the Korea-China FTA is concluded, then trade between the two countries is likely to involve substantial changes both quantitatively and qualitatively. Offer lists submitted by Korea include steel, petrochemicals and machinery and those by China include some agricultural and marine products as well as nonferrous metals. Korea's interest in the Korea-China FTA has focused mainly on damage to the agricultural sector and there have been a lot of studies on the effects of the FTA on Korean agricultural sector. However, little is known about why China includes the nonferrous metals industry for early voluntary liberalization and its implications for the domestic economy. Nonferrous metals industry is one of China’s national strategic sectors and has a large supply excess in the country. This study targets the survey of Chinese nonferrous metals industry and trade structure and considers the problem of nonferrous metals in the context of negotiations for the Korea-China FTA and its implications for a higher-quality Korea-China FTA.
'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.
역사적 사료로서의 여행기의 중요성은 재론할 필요가 없지만, 실제로 여행기의 분석을 통해 냉전시대 동서독과 남북한의 상호 이미지를 파악하기 위한 본격적인 연구는 아직 미흡한 실정이다. 전후시대 독일의 대표적인 여류작가로 평가되는 루이제 린저는 한국에서도 광범한 독자층을 가지고 있는데, 한 가지 특기할 만한 사실은 그녀가 냉전시대, 구체적으로 1975년과 1980년 남한과 북한을 모두 방문한 서독의 여류작가라는 점이다. 필자는 루이제 린저(Luise Rinser)의 남북한 여행기, 즉 『고래들이 싸울 때-한국의 초상(Wenn die Wale kämpfen-Porträt eines Landes: Südkorea)』과 『또 하나의 조국: 루이제 린저의 북한방문기(Nord-koreanisches Reisetagebuch)』의 분석을 통해 냉전시대 같은 분단국인 서독의 한 여류작가의 눈에 비친 남북한의 표상을 재구성하고자 하였다. 루이제 린저의 한국에 대한 표상은 무엇보다 먼저 남한여행기의 제목인 『고래들이 싸울 때: 한국의 초상』에서 분명하게 드러나고 있는데, 이는 “고래싸움에 새우등 터진다(Wenn die Wale kämpfen, zittern die Garnelen)”는 한국의 옛 속담에 연유한다. 여기에서 고래는 냉전 이데올로기 시대의 초강대국인 미국과 소련을, 새우는 한국전쟁과 분단의 지속으로 냉전의 희생양이 된 남한과 북한을 의미한다. 루이제 린저의 친북한적이고 남한에 대한 부정적인 표상은 지난 나치시대 그녀가 겪었던 국가반역 혐의로 인한 혹독한 고문과 사형판결의 경험, 그의 절친한 한국 친구였던 작곡가 윤이상이 ‘동베를린사건’으로 간첩으로 몰려 옥고를 치른 일, 그리고 박정희 정권의 독재정치에 맞서 싸웠던 남한 민주화 인사들과의 만남과 교류를 통해서 더욱 고정화된 것으로 보인다. 박정희에 의한 한국 민주주의의 탄압은 히틀러와 나치정권의 국가적 폭력과 억압이라는 린저에게는 혐오스러울 수밖에 없는 극우적이고 파쇼적인 지배체제라는 공통점을 가지고 있기 때문이다. 린저의 작품 『옥중일기』에 나오는 나치정권에 대한 혐오와 공포, 고통과 불안은 그녀가 남한여행기에 서술하고 있는 박정희 정권의 독재, 민주주의와 인권탄압과 자연스럽게 오버랩(overlap) 된다. 결국 한 개인이 자신의 이데올로기적 편향성과 과거의 경험으로부터 오는 선입견이 타자에 대한 인식의 오류를 일으킬 수 있다는 하나의 사례를 우리는 린저의 북한여행기를 통해 살펴 볼 수 있다. Though it needs not to re-mention the importance of a record of travel as historical data, studies in full swing in order to catch it's mutual image between South-North Korea and East-West germany in the time of Cold war through real analysis of the travel record are very unsatisfactory. Luise Rinser who is evaluated as the representative female writer of BRD after the Second World War has many widespread class of readers in Korea. One thing to be mentioned in very special is that she had experienced to visit South and North Korea specifically in 1975 and 1980 during the time of the Cold war. I tried to reconstitute the symbolized shapes of South-North Korea which was taken by West Germany(same country to be cut in halves)'s female writer through analyzing her book of “Wenn die Wale kämpfen - Porträt eines Landes: Südkorea” and “Nord-koreanisches Reisetagebuch”. First of all, The emblem for Korea is very clearly expressed in the title of the record book in South Korea - “Wenn die Wale kämpfen - Porträt eines Landes: Südkorea”, this is originated from Korea's old proverb like “Wenn die Wale kämpfen, zittern die Garnelen”. In here, The whale means America and U.S.S.R to be very strong in the time of the Cold War and shrimp means South-North Korea that had been scapegoat because of being continued of Korean war and devide in halves. Luise Rinser's negative show against South Korea but North Korea to be friendly - these stereotypes - it seemed to make her stereotype more strong by her experience of the torture caused by plotting against the state and a death sentence, the hardships of prison life of I-Sang Yoon who was the composer to be a very intimate friend with her because of “Spy-Affairs of East-Berlin” and the meeting and interchanges with many democratized peoples of South Korea who had fought against Jeong Hee Park's autocracy. The suppression against the Korean democracy by the President of South Korea Park had the point of sameness - so called - extreme right and fascio ruling system, it made her to be hated about it(Hitler and Nazi political power's national repression). The hate, horror, pain and unrest against Nazi to be written in her “diary in prison” is overlapped naturally with Park's dictatorship and human right and democracy suppression to be written in “Travel in South Korea”. At last, we can see the Case that the bias from past's experiences and ideology's leaning by personal's thinking can make mistakes through “Record to Travel in North Korea”.
Since the formal establishment of South Korea (hereafter, Korea)-the People’s Republic of China (hereafter, China) relations in 1992, the bilateral relationship has recorded tremendous success in terms of trade volume, cooperation on the North Korean nuclear crisis, and the magnitude of exchanges in various areas. However, it is also true that the bilateral relations still remain far from satisfaction in terms of depth and degree of communication, crisis management, and a shared vision. Given Korean’s psychological alertness and apprehension formed over a long history of contacts with China, differences in political system, mutual misperceptions, and degree of understanding, these problems cast serious challenges for future relations between the two countries. In the future, Korea-China relations could be sour and bumpy if the Korean government relies excessively on security-oriented approaches, centering on its alliance with the U.S. Korea needs to exercise a “creative middle power-pragmatic diplomacy” in dealing with China. The objective is to establish a positive-sum game in the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership, extending consultation and cooperation beyond security issues on the Korean Peninsula. Both the Korea-U.S. alliance and the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership should be the foundation of Korea’s diplomatic assets, under which Korea would try to persuade North Korea to abandon its nuclear program. The substance of Korea-China relations will be determined by the policies of each government to consolidate the “cooperative strategic partnership.” Sound communication, political will, and strategic management matter. The future relationship of Korea with China is at the crossroad among the ranges of being enemy, homager, or equal partner. Korea obviously favors the establishment of an equal partnership with China, based upon the common principles of mutual respect, cooperation, and co-prosperity.