제3부 한국근,현대사의 재조명 : 일제시기 근대적 여성상과 교회내 여성의 지위 문제

김성은 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2003 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.30

봉화 축서사 석조비로자나불좌상과 목조광배: 축서사와 왕경 진골 귀족, 그리고 황룡사

임영애 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2017 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.55

Chukseosa stone seated Vairoçana Buddha is a Buddhist statue sponsored by Kim Yang-jong’s family, Chin'gol(眞骨) nobility of capital in late Unified Silla in 867. Though not directly inscribed on Buddhist statues, Myŏngdan, the youngest daughter of Kim Yang-jong, who was Silla King Hŏndŏk era Shijung(侍中) through the inscription of prestigious Buddhist reliquary found in the three-story stone Pagoda, commissioned for her parents and it was estimated to have been built with stone pagoda nearly in 867. Inside the three-story stone Pagoda, it was led by Hwangnyongsa temple monk Hyŏnkŏ and enshrined 10 Sarira and Raśmivimalaviśuddhaprabhānāma-dhāraṇī-sutra[無垢浄光大陀羅尼經]. In the case of the Mugujeong pagoda[無垢浄塔] that had “Mugujeong Sutras” like Chukseosa temple pagoda, the role of the lecturer would have been more important because the ceremony was carried out according to the sutras contents. For this reason, far away from Hwangnyongsa temple, the representative temple of capital, would have called a monk to lead the ceremony. At the time of the composition, the stone mandorla and pedestal would have been well equipped, but then one day the original stone mandorla was lost, and monk Segyun(世均), who pitied it, made a wooden mandorla of the big size that was rampant in 1730. At that time, Segyun also carved the ceiling dragon carving, a high-level sculptor who had actively participated in the 18th century, including repainting in gold nearby Yeongju Buseoksa temple Amitabha Buddha statue and Gijang Jangansa temple stone Buddhas of Three Ages. The wooden mandorla of Buseoksa Muryangsujeon Amitabha Buddha statue is also likely to have been carved by Segyun while repainting in gold of the Amitabha Buddha statue. ‘Bonghwa’ area in Silla era is special. This is because there are a relatively large number of Buddhist arts from the 7th century to late Unified Silla. There are many numbers, but all the remaining examples are more remarkable because they are monumental works in Buddhist art. For example, there is the Bukjiri rock cliff Buddha, 5 meters high from the old Chirimsa temple site, and the famous Bukjiri stone pensive statue found near the rock cliff Buddha. The Buddha statue of Vairoçana, which was especially popular in the late Unified Silla in the 9th century, is not a few. The Buddha statues of Vairoçana meaningful to date reach about 30. Among them, all of 6 pieces including 2 pieces at Chukseosa temple, 2 pieces of stone seated Vairoçana Buddha now in Buseoksa Jaindang moved from Yeongju Dongbangsa temple site, 1 piece of Punggi Birosa temple and 1 piece of Yeongju Sŏnghyŏlsa temple have been handed down to here Yeongju and Bonghwa areas. These are all stone-built statues of Vairoçana Buddha, built in the mid and late Unified Silla in the 9th century. The Buddha statue of Vairoçana in late Unified Silla was generally known to have been popularized by the support of local Barons with the weakening of the central regime. As a result, especially the Buddha statue of Vairoçana was away from Gyeongju centralized Buddhist statue production, and a variety of Buddhist statue styles with local characteristics have emerged. However, the aspect of Buddhist art in the late 9th century is different from what is known. The Buddha statue of Vairoçana in the latter half of the 9th century is more related to the royal or capital nobles than the local barons, and Buddha statues of Vairoçana including Hwaŏm-jong(華嚴宗), Pŏpsang-jong(法相宗), Sŏn-jong(禪宗), etc. were created and enshrineed without discrimination of sects. One of the representative works is the Buddha seated statue of Vairoçana of Chukseosa temple.

제2부 한국중세사의 탐색 : 조선시대 기근과 정부의 대책

정형지 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2003 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.30

일제시기 도립의원(道立醫院)의 설립과 운영(1925-1945)

이방원 ( Lee Bang-weon ) 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2021 梨花史學硏究 Vol.- No.63

This article examines the role and characteristic of the provincial hospitals in local medical care during the Japanese colonial period. It seems to need further explanation on how conducive to Korean people the provincial hospital as a regional hospital was, even though the existence of these hospitals in the provinces might have claimed to advocate their advanced and civilized cause under the colonial rule. By analyzing Law for Chosun Provincial Hospital, and Provincial Hospital Regulations, and the records of operation including the records of Korean medical staff, financial records, this paper strives to trace the background of the conversion and the patterns of management and operation after the conversion. In 1925, the Japanese Government-General of Korea determined to transfer the management of the Jahye hospital into the province due to the financial difficulties caused by the global economic crisis and the Great Kanto Earthquake. Although the overall operation of the provincial hospitals including establishment, closure, staff quota, and operating expenses were still under the Government-General’s authority, each province took the charge of financial management of the hospital. At the time of Independence, the number of the provincial hospitals across the country were 46. The number of staffs were adjusted depending on policy changes such as enlargement and expansion of the hospitals, political and economic changes, and the establishment of nursing training school. Although the leading officers of the provincial hospitals―the director, medical officers, instructors, pharmaceutical officers, secretaries, and the head of nursing department―were Japanese, Koreans were also engaged in medical staff as medical officers, doctors, and part-timers. According to records, Koreans took up 20% of the entire medical staff in 1930’s. A significant statistical change of the provincial hospitals occurred in 1936, starting with the Sino-Japanese War. In the year of 1930, around 40% of the provincial hospitals―12 out of 30―ran the department for charity, and Korean medical staffs were in charge of the department. Up until 1935, the number of patients who were given treatment of no charge all in all increased. The number of the provincial hospitals which had operated the department for charity began to decrease in 1936, and in 1941 the department disappeared from all provincial hospitals. The number of patients who were given treatment of no charge decreased to 3.75% of all patients, and charity fee took up only 1.6% of all annual expenditure. This could mean that the actual medical benefit for the people of Chosun was not as high as the Japanese authorities evaluated.

공간의 변화를 통해 본 5ㆍ18항쟁

노영기 ( Noe Yung Gi ) 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2021 梨花史學硏究 Vol.- No.63

Jeollanam Provincial Government Office(전남도청) and Geumnam-ro (금남로) were the starting point, center, and final battlefield of the May 18 uprising(5ㆍ18항쟁), but they were not the space of May 18 from the beginning. The Jeollanam Provincial Government Office had been there since Japanese colonial period and Jeollanam Provincinal Police Department(전남도경찰국) and other important buildings were around there. In addition, Jeollanam Provincial Government Office, Geumnam-ro, and Chungjang-ro(충장로) are places where Gwang-ju(광주) citizens used to live their daily lives. On the other hand, it was a space where domination and resistance were in conflict. Before the May 18th uprising, state violence was committed and attempts to go to the “front of the provincial government!” continued. The May 18 uprising was based on these spatial characteristics. Gwang-ju citizens led the uprising on behalf of students when their daily lives were destroyed. After the withdrawal of public power, including martial law forces, on the afternoon of May 21, the Jeollannam Provincial Government Office and Geumnam-ro were transformed into a center of protest and a space for democracy. Gwang-ju was isolated, but the citizens themselves overcame the difficulties. On May 27, 1980, when the military's armed forces suppressed the resistance of the citizens, Gwang-ju, including Jeollannam Provincial Government Office and Geumnam-ro, was returned to be the controlled and monitored space. However, the citizens of Gwang-ju did not erase the memory of the fallen and the days of the uprising. Gwang-ju citizens started another fight. The people of South Korea, who were told of the isolation and misery of Gwang-ju, also joined the new fight. At the center of it was a space of Jeollannam Provincial Government Office and Geumnam-ro. People went on the path of protest again, dreaming of 'to the front of the provincial government!”.

일본군 전범의 자필진술서를 통해서 본 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제

이선이 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2022 梨花史學硏究 Vol.- No.65

This article analyzes the statements of nine war criminals regarding the “comfort women” of the imperial Japanese military. The nationalities of these “comfort women” mentioned by the nine war criminals include China, Japan, and Korea. Especially, Japanese women are referred to as ‘ginyeo(=기녀(妓女)’ or ‘prostitutes.’ They named the facilities confined these women as “comfort stations,” but did not use the term “comfort women” directly. This paper emphasizes the noteworthiness of the statements indicating that war criminals dealt with comfort station-related matters within the category of rape. For example, Isao Inaba stated that while being stationed in the Yanxishan Army in Shaanxi Province, he operated a military “comfort station” during the civil war. Ono Taketsugu used different terms by stating that a Korean woman was present at the “comfort station” and “yolijeom.” This is significant in considering the continuity and discontinuity of comfort stations and brothels. Yutaka Takeuchi said, as a army surgeon, that he proposed to set up a comfort station for “sanitation,” which meant by the prevention of sexually transmitted diseases. Ippei Azuma used emphasized marks(equivalent to double quotation marks in English) on the comfort station, and there is also a mention of “Auntie Kim,” who appeared to be a Korean trader. Although Takazawa Kenji visited a place called geumseongnu金城樓 and a comfort station separately, he mentioned that the acts in both places were “rape.” Yuichi Furukawa wrote, as an “administrative adviser” in Manchukuo, that he was aware of the “rape and gang rape” that had taken place in the “Japanese Military Soldier Comfort Station,” but he had ignored it. Watanabe and Hirose both stated the same facts related to the Japanese military comfort station, but Watanabe confessed that it is an “open rape facility,” while Hirose mentioned it as an “gigwan(妓館).”

세계사의 시각에서 본 근현대 중국 조세 구조의 전환

강진아 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2018 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.57

This paper summarizes the historical structural changes of the Chinese tax system and revenue and compares them to those of contemporary countries that were regarded as models for Chinese fiscal reform. The Chinese Empire depended on land taxes for more than 70 percent of its tax revenues, but the British Empire had already established a flexible taxation system that could easily finance war expenses by enacting indirect tax into a fiscal workhorse at that time. The shift of center in social production from agriculture to industry and commerce made it possible. The late Qing and Meiji Japan started to develop fiscal expansion and the introduction of new indirect taxes based on the British model. Unlike the successful case of Japan, whose fiscal reform synchronized with the transformation of production, the Qing Empire remained an agricultural economy but increased commercial and industrial tax revenues. During the Republican era, the Peking government and Nanjing Nationalist government tried to escape the indirect tax-dependent tax system by introducing direct taxation, including income tax in consideration of global trends. However, the dependency on indirect tax was deepened without fundamental change in production. After launching its policy of reform and opening, the CCP successfully implemented a series of tax reforms which resembled the unfinished tax reform under the Nationalist regime: the division of national tax and local tax, the introduction of direct taxes, and the abolition of agricultural taxes and salt taxes as a residue of imperial tax system. This success was underpinned by unprecedented economic growth and transition into a highly industrialized economy. However, from the 1980s the U.S. tax system shifted its focus to boosting the economy rather than eliminating social inequality, and consequently China’s tax policy, which has referred to the US model as a global standard, has played a limited role in terms of reducing social inequalities.

해외여선교회(WFMS)의 서울지역 의료사업 - 동대문 부인병원을 중심으로 -

김영수 ( Youngsoo Kim ) 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2021 梨花史學硏究 Vol.- No.62

This research aims to illuminate the establishment of Dongdaemun Women’s Hospital (East Gate Hospital) in Seoul. This facility was one of the achievements of the Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society’s (WFMS) medical missionary work, and it became the leading women’s medical institution in modern Korea. This article discusses important dates and roles of the WFMS and Dongdaemun Women’s Hospital using information from the annual reports of the Korea Woman’s Conference (KWC). Specially, to clarify the process involved in the hospital’s establishment and its historical meaning in the progress of women’s medicine, this research examines the official establishment dates and activities of Dongdaemun Women’s Hospital, Baldwin Dispensary, and Lillian Harris Memorial Hospital, and the relationships among the three medical institutions. The results show that the establishment of Lillian Harris Memorial Hospital did not immediately terminate the Baldwin Dispensary, the preexisting institution; hence, this research argues that the latter was not simply integrated into the former. Furthermore, in analyzing the hospital’s recognizable practices in obstetrics and gynecological diseases and contemporaries’ acknowledgment of these activities, this study offers an explanation for why the additional word “women” was included in the official Korean name of the hospital.

1970년대 초 남북대화의 종합적 분석 ―남북관계와 미중관계, 남북한 내부 정치의 교차점에서―

홍석률 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2010 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.40

Recently declassified documents showed that the rapprochement between the United States and People's Republic of China in the early 1970s had seriously influenced on Inter-Korean talks. Kissinger and Zhou En-lai had wide range of discussions on Korea issues including withdrawal of US troops in South Korea, peace treaty, and debates on Korea in United Nations. U.S.-PRC talks influenced on every important turning point of two Koreas' talks such as the initiation of the talks, the building of secret communication channel between top leaders of two Koreas, and declaration of North-South Korea for Unification in July 4, 1972. However, it dose not mean that two major powers had unilateral influence on two Koreas to develop inter-Korean talks. North and South Korean governments responded to the sweeping change of international relations in East Asia, U.S.-PRC rapprochement, with their own initiative and purpose. In this context, inter-Korean talks could have some linkage with U.S.-PRC relations at the time. Even though two Koreas' governments started inter-Korean talks to react to the international change, two leaderships in North-South Koreas also utilized inter-Korean talks for internal politics. Park Chung-hee in the South built Yushin Sytem to prolong his presidency permanently. In the North Korea, Kim Jung-il emerged as a successor during inter-Korean talks. These changes of internal politics in two Koreas made harmful effect on inter-Korean talks. Since starting of 1973, inter-Korean negotiations were at an impasse. Two Korean government did not showed sincerity on negotiations. Simultaneously discussions on Korea between US and PRC were at a stand still in the early 1973. Finally inter-Korean talks suspended in August, 1973. Futhermore, modification of diplomatic policies of two Koreas caused to impasse inter-Korean talks. South Korea proposed simultaneous affiliation of North-South Koreas to UN in July 23, 1973 but North Korea which clearly had opposed this idea rejected the proposal from the South and condemned South Korea for its pursuing of permanent division of country. North Korea pursued direct contact with the US for peace treaty but the US had no intention to have direct talks with North Korea without any linkage with inter Korean relations and US-PRC relations. Eventually, two Koreas failed to link harmoniously their inter-Korean policies and diplomatic policies. It became one of reasons for termination of inter-Korean talks in the early 1970s.

대몽골국 초기 고려-몽골 간 물품 이동과 그 배경

김장구 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2022 梨花史學硏究 Vol.- No.65

This paper analyzes the type and background of ‘goods’ sent by Goryeo to Mongol when Mongol Empire militarily pressured Goryeo to surrender in the early Yeke Monggol Ulus(1206-1259). Among the items sent to Mongol by Goryeo in the early Yeke Mongγul Ulus, precious metals such as gold and silver were continuously required throughout all periods and were taken most often. Textiles such as silk and cotton, furs such as otter skins were also frequently mentioned. The animals are once seen with the peregrine falcon, and the rest are all records about horses. In addition, prisoners of war and craftsmen were important ‘tributes’, and Mongol demanded that the children of high-ranking people be presented to Mongol Qa'an. Stationeries such as brushes, ink, and paper, dyes such as purple grass(紫草), and pigments such as orpiment were stand out among the items Mongol requested. They were required during period of the Chinggis Qan. There are many reasons for constantly sending goods from Goryeo to Mongol in the early Yeke Mongγul Ulus and to the Mongol commanders of the Goryeo expeditionary forces. First, it was a kind of diplomatic strategy to respond to Mongol’s strong military threats. Second, it can be said that it was a measure to buy the hearts of Mongol generals entrusted with the full authority to command the Goryeo expeditionary force by Great Qa'an. Third, Yeke Mongγul Ulus has demanded some of the insufficient military supplies from Goryeo while simultaneously carrying out expeditions since the Ögüdei Qa'an. In conclusion, the most powerful and frequent invasion of Goryeo by the Mongol army was during the Ögüdei and Möngke Qa'an periods. In particular, during period of the Ögüdei Qa'an, the most threatening attack on Goryeo was carried out due to the murder of ‘Jeogoyeo(著古與)’. In addition, the ‘goods’ required by Mongol were the most in terms of type and quantity. In addition, during period of the Möngke Qa'an, expeditionary forces continued to be dispatched to subjugate Goryeo. However, if we look at the historical data related to ‘goods’, it can be seen that the military threat was not as strong as during the Ögüdei period, and the required goods were reduced. Eventually, in 1259, the crown prince of Goryeo visited Möngke who was on an expedition to Southern Sung(南宋), but upon his death, he met his younger brother Qubilai and asked for submission. Finally, Qubilai’s victory in the power struggle with Ariγ Böke allowed that Goryeo was able to be guaranteed limited safety under the rule of Yeke Mongγul Ulus.