『지역연구의 방법』

부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 1998 아시아지역연구 Vol.1 No.-

아시아지역연구소 추천 동남아시아 지역 관련 인터넷 웹사이트

부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 1998 아시아지역연구 Vol.1 No.-

아세안의 대내외 경제협력과 한국의 대응전략: - 아세안 10의 출범에 즈음하여 -

권기철 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 1998 아시아지역연구 Vol.1 No.-

Influences of Protestantism on some Traditional Cultural Values of Hmong Ethnic People in Lao Cai Province of Vietnam

NGUYEN Van Hieu,DO Quang Son 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 2009 Suvannabhumi Vol.1 No.2

베트남 소수민족 공동체 중 Hmong족은 중요한 구성원이라고 여겨져 왔다. 타지에서 베트남으로 이민 와서 다른 민족들과 함께 오랫동안 살아 왔지만 Hmong족은 자기의 민족문화 특색을 잘 지켜왔다. 그런데 지난 몇 년 동안 전통적인 종교와 달리 새로운 종교를 믿게 되는 방향으로 Hmong족의 심령의 종교는 많이 변하고 있다. 그 중에특히 주목받은 것은 개신교의 유입이다. 개신교는 직접적, 간접적 선교 방법으로 Lao Cai에 있는 Hmong족 공동체에 자연스럽게 유입되었다. Lao Cai의 많은 지방에서 사람들이 개신교를 믿게 되었고 그 중에는 가족이나 종족 환경에서 강제적 선교도 일어났다. 개신교는Hmong족의 전통문화뿐만 아니라 Hmong족의 전통 종교, 신앙에도직접적으로 영향을 주었다. 이 글에서는 Hmong족이 살고 있는 Lao Cai 지방을 선택하여 고찰하며 Hmong족의 전통문화가치에 대한 개신교의 영향 및 원인을살펴보기로 한다. 먼저 Hmong사람들은 전통신앙을 버리고 개신교를믿게 되는 원인을 살펴보자. 주 원인은 다음과 같은 네 가지가 있다고본다. -경제와 관련된 원인-성별 불평등과 관련된 원인-학문 수준과 정보 습득 희망과 관련된 원인-전통문화, 심리와 민속의식과 관련된 원인그리고 다음과 같은 두 가지 각도에서 전통문화 가치에 대한 영향을 알아보았다. 첫째는 개신교가 Hmong사람의 전통사회체제에 큰영향을 준 점, 둘째는 개신교가 Hmong사람의 풍속습관 및 전통 신앙에 영향을 준 점이다. 개신교가 Hmong사람의 전통사회체제에 큰 영향을 준 점은 여러방면에서 보인다. 전통적인 가치와 개신교의 새로운 규정 사이의 충돌도 있고 가족 안에서 부부의 위치상 충돌도 있다. 또한 Hmong사람들에게 전통 종족의 역할, 위치를 약화시키는 영향도 주었고 산골 마을에서 개신교를 믿는 사람들과 믿지 않은 사람들 사이에 일어난 새로운충돌도 있다개신교와 개신교의 교리는 역시 풍속습관과 전통신앙에 큰 영향을주었다. 첫째는 예수의 역할이 가장 중요하고 조상 숭배나 “집에 있는귀신 숭배”같은 것보다 강력한 것이다. 그래서 Hmong사람의 신앙, 종교는 원시적 다신교부터 일신교로 변한 것으로 보인다. 둘째는 개신교를 믿는 사람들이 Hmong족의 전통 민속축제를 점차 멀리한다. 어떤경우에는 그 사람들이 자기 민족의 전통문화 환경을 떠나 버리는 일도있었다. 셋째는 개신교의 교리가 Hmong족의 풍속 규정을 바꾸게 하였고 Hmong사람들이 새로운 종교의 교리를 집행시켰다. 넷째는 인간인생 주기에 관한 풍속습관 및 민속의례들은 의례 대상보다 의례 주제를 중심으로 삼는 것으로 점차 변화했다. 대체로 개신교가 Hmong족 공동체에 유입하여 이 민족의 전통문화가치는 변화했다. Hmong족 공동체에 오래 존재해 왔던 낙후한 습관을개선하는 점에서 개신교는 적극적 역할을 했다. 현재 문제점은 어떻게전통문화가치를 유지하고 새로운 종교와 같이 존재할 수 있느냐라는문제이다. 이 문제는 다음 연구 대상이 될 것이다.

캄보디아의 승가와 국가

정연식 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 2011 Suvannabhumi Vol.3 No.1

The state-sangha relations in the countries of Theravada Buddhism has often been described as a mutually dependent patron-client relation in which the state and the sangha support each other by performing their due roles. Yet this theory involves a normative dimension that prescribes such a relation as the ideal in the Buddhist world. The explanatory power of this theory hence is hampered in a country where the ideal is not fully realized. In the wake of tumultuous political upheaval where political rivals vie for the state the ideal as well as the theory are put into a trial. The tragic history of modern Cambodia is a history of ceaseless conflict in which multiple contenders for the state had to define their relations with the sangha. The relations defined turned out less mutual than supposed. The state-sangha relations were rather unilaterally dependent. More often than not the sangha was subject to state control with no power to confront the state or coopted only to become a tool for political propaganda and manipulation. The sangha always played the role of client, waiting for the state to define the relation and to be benevolent. Even when the monks were forced to disrobe and when the sangha itself was annihilated, all they did was to wait for another patron state that would put the sangha back in place. The state-sangha relations the Cambodian history reveals were not close to one in which the two parties benefit each other on an equal basis. It was a patron-client relationship in which the client sangha had to be heavily dependent on the patron state. Such a unilaterally dependent relationship is the one that has prevailed in Cambodia.

필리핀의 종교와 의식

김동엽 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 2009 Suvannabhumi Vol.1 No.2

아랍식-말레이문자(Jawi Script) 키보드(Keyboard)에 관한 연구

강경석 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 2011 Suvannabhumi Vol.3 No.1

Malay society is rooted on the Islamic concept. That Islam influenced every corner of that Malay society which had ever been an edge of the civilizations of the Indus and Ganges. Once the letters of that Hindu religion namely Sanscrit was adopted to this Malay society for the purpose of getting the Malay language, that is, Bahasa Melayu down to the practical literation but in vain. The Sanscrit was too complicated for Malay society to imitate and put it into practice in everyday life because it was totally different type of letters which has many of the similar allographs for a sound. In the end Malay society gave it up and just used the Malay language without using any letters for herself. After a few centuries Islam entered this Malay society with taking Arabic letters. It was not merely influencing Malay cultures, but to the religious life according to wide spread of that Islam. Finally Arabic letters was to the very means that Malay language was written by. It means that Arabic letters had been used for Arabic language in former times, but it became a similar form of letters for a new language which was named as Malay language. This Arabic letters for Arabic language has no problems whereas Arabic letters for Malay language has some of it. Naturally speaking, arabic letters was not designed for any other language but just for Arabic language itself. On account of this, there occurred a few problems in writing Malay consonants, just like p, ng, g, c, ny and v. These 6 letters could never be written down in Arabic letters. Those 6 ones were never known before in trying to pronounce by Arab people. Therefore, Malay society had only to modify a few new forms of letters for these 6 letters which had frequently been found in their own Malay sounds. As a result, pa was derived from fa, nga was derived from ain, ga was derived from kaf, ca was derived from jim, nya was derived from tha or ba, and va was derived from wau itself. Where must these 6 newly modified letters be put on this Arabic keyboard? This is the very core of this working paper. As a matter of course, these 6 letters were put on the place where 6 Arabic signs which were scarecely written in Malay language. Those 6 are found when they are used only in the ‘shift-key-using-letters.’ These newly designed 6 letters were put instead of the original places of fatha, kasra, damma, sukun, tanween and so on. The main differences between the 2 set of 6 letters are this: 6 in Arabic orginal keyboard are only signs for Arabic letters, on the other hand 6 Malay’s are real letters. In others words, 6 newly modified Malay letters were substituted for unused 6 Arabic signs in Malay keyboard. This type of newly designed Malay Jawi Script keyboard is still used in Malaysia, Brunei and some other Malay countries. But this sort of keyboard also needs to go forward to find out another way of keyboard system which is in accordance with the alphabetically ordered keyboard system. It means that alif is going to be typed for A key, and zai shall be typed when Z key is pressed. This keyboard system is called ‘Malay Jawi-English Rumi matching keyboard system’, even though this system should probably be inconvenient for Malay Jawi experts who are good at Arabic ‘alif-ba-ta’order.

유교가 베트남에서 국가이념으로 성립되는 과정

유인선 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 2011 Suvannabhumi Vol.3 No.1

This paper traces the process how Confucianism was established as a state ideology in Vietnam. Confucianism is said to have first been introduced into Vietnam around the early 3rd century. However, it had been outshone by Buddhism until the 1389s when Ho Quy Ly rose to power and emphasized pre-Qin Confucianism. In 1428, Le^ Loi founded a new dynasty and changed the state ideology from Buddhism to Confucianism. Despite this radical shift, however, Confucianism was not firmly established at the beginning of the Le^ Dynasty. It was Le^ Thanh Tong (1460-1497) who fully established neo-Confucianism as the state ideology. The reason was that he devoted himself to the study of Confucian texts from a young age and sought to strengthen his own royal authority by emphasizing the neo-Confucian concept of loyalty and filial piety.

태국의 불교사찰 벽화에 관한 연구

노장서 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 2009 Suvannabhumi Vol.1 No.2

This research tries to review the history and concepts of Thai temple mural painting. According to the research results, the history of Thai mural painting dates back to the late 14th century when Wat Chedi Chet Taeo in Si Satchanalai was built. The Sinhalese elements embedded in the Sukhothai murals are also found in the Ayuthayan stupa murals made in the early 15th century. The mid 18th century's Burmese invasion into Ayuthaya destroyed most of Buddhist temples in the Kingdom of Ayuthaya and as a result, Buddhist murals of the late Ayuthayan age are hardly found except for some temple murals located outside of the capital. The late Ayuthayan murals are much different from the early Ayuthayan murals in that they are narrative in depicting Jataka and the life of Lord Buddha. This classical mural painting culminated in the age of Rama III of Bangkok Dynasty. His successor Rama IV undertook westernized reforms which influenced the area of traditional mural painting. Consequently, new western style Buddhist mural paintings were produced while themes of mural painting were enlarged to the other subjects such as historical recording of royal and social events. This trend continued in the age of Rama V but the development of Thai Buddhist mural painting discontinued after the death of Rama V due to the rapid westernization and decrease of illiteracy. The existing Buddhist murals produced on or before the reign of Rama V are deteriorating and disappearing. The reasons for this are partly because of Thailand's humid climate. However, some social backgrounds such as the lack of concern for preserving old Buddhist murals can not be disregarded. Considering the substantial value of Thai Buddhist murals as a cultural resource in Thai society, it is very urgent to establish appropriate conservation policy for them.

Southeast Asian Studies: Area, Method and Comparison

Victor T. King 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 2015 Suvannabhumi Vol.7 No.1