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      • 朝鮮後期의 釜山倭館에 대하여

        李源鈞 釜山水産大學校 1992 論文集 Vol.48 No.-

        This study aims to examine several problems about Woegwan(倭館) in Pusan in the later period of the Choseon dynasty. Woegwan was the permitted district of jurisdiction for Japanese to enter into and trade in an article for another. It also includes various facilities which were built in an open port such as offices for Japanese to carry out their business and their dwelling places. The summarized content of this study is as follows : First, after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, diplomatic relations between Choseon and Japan were established again and at the same time Doomopo Woegwan(豆毛浦倭館) was first set up. Several years after the establishment of Doomopo Woegwan the problem of its transfer was hotly debated as a diplomatic dispute between the two countries. The transfer of its place to Choryang was decided under mutual agreement after much meandering for about 60 years. Second, Choryang Woegwan(草梁倭館) was built at vast expenses and with a lot of labor mobilization by the Choseon government and its size was very large and its buildings were much luxurious. Its structure consisted of a guesthouse and its attached public hall within Seolmoon(設問), and several buildings such as a great hall for a feast, etc. Outside Soomoon(守門) stood closely together many buildings including Donggwan(東館) and Seogwan(西館) around Mt. Yongdoo. Hoondo(訓導) and Byeolcha(別差) and their servants were stationed in each hall related Woegwan, and the chief of Woegwan and many Japanese officials were dispatched and they managed Woegwan and dealt with their share of the works. Third, Pusan Woegwan in the later period of the Choseon dynasty was the only permitted area for trade with Japan at that time. Trade includes opening a market in Woegwan and public trade. Opening a market means a sort of private trade conducted among the merchants of both countries within the district of Woegwan on a fixed day under close surveillance and control of the government authorities. Public trade items include gifts given to Japanese emboys who were annyally dispatched to Choseon, and tributes of respect to the King. Public trade items include gifts given to Japanese emboys who were annually dispatched to Choseon, and tributes of respect to the king. Public trade includes the purchase of Japanese private goods at the expense of the state by the Choseon government. Woegwan market once became active, but it declined in the mid-eighteenth century. However, public trade in Woegwan has a great effect upon national finance because the government had to pay national expenditure every year for the purchase of needless goods from Japanese in Woegwan as a means of appeasement. Fourth, the opening of Doomopo and Choryang Woegwan increased Japanese residents in Woegwan and it was attended with many evils which caused social problems such as smuggling, debts to Japanese, their riots, and the confusion of public morals. The government tried every effort to prevent these problems but failed to obtain the anticipated results, which were wholly due to Japanese insincerity and uncooperative attitude.

      • 李晦齊와 政治思想

        李源鈞 釜山水産大學校 1982 論文集 Vol.29 No.-

        This thesis aims at examining Hoe-jae and his political thought. Lee Eon-jeok, better known by his pen name, Hoe-joe was a representative Confucian scholar as well as the leader of Sarim(士林) in Choseon Dynasty. His political thought and claim in the thesis are roughly summarized as follows: First, Lee Hoe-jae lived in the first half of 16th century when the Hoon-Ru faction(勳舊派) composed of king's meritorious subjects and his maternal relation took political power, and did every possible wrongdoing. On the other hand, as Sarim(士林) school who tried to check unjust action of the Hoon-ku faction was purged, the balance of political power collapsed and royal authority weakened. These political scenes of those days gave a great influence on Hoe-jae's political idea. Second, his essay on King deserves to be labeled as a sort of a treatise on monarch. This essay aimed to checking more or less the influence of the Hoon-ku(勳舊) faction by illuminating the king who was isolated and unable to distinguish between right and wrong and strengthening royal rights from their power. Third, Hoe-jae's Injeong-ron (仁政論), an essay on good government put an emphasis that monarch or prime minister should reflect fully goodness (仁) inherent in his heart, getting moral nature which might bring up all creation and engaging in political affairs for the people who are the foundation of the country. Fourth, Hoe-jae wrote and essay on the appointment of talanted men to intend to renew personnel administration and its public function according to unbiased view of the people by taking up the right of personnel appointment which was exclusively made by a few Hoon-ku(勳舊) power of those days. Fifth, Hoe-jae, in his essay on military affairs, sharply analyzed and criticised the confusion of military administration which had been performed under the control of the followers of Hoon-ku faction He also maintained that several important tasks in military affairs such as training of soldiers, storage of military supplies, maintenance of weapons and repair of fortresses should be done through reconciliation and reliance to make military defense perform its function and to establish military administration more effectively.

      • 영남 방언과 호남 방언의 운율 비교 : 대화체 월의 운율을 중심으로

        김차균,고광모,김주원,정원수 충남대학교 문리과대학 어문연구회 2000 語文硏究 Vol.34 No.-

        In this article, we compared the prosody of Yeongnam and Honam dialect, which is tone dialect and semi-tone dialect respectively. The data is that of Changweon dialect of Gyeongnam Province and Damyang dialect of Jeonnam Province chiefly. In some case the data of Yecheon dialect of Gyeongbuk Province was also dealt. For analysis of colloquial sentences, we employed three-way analysis: First, 1062 Changweon and Damyang colloquial sentences were dealt in auditory method. Secondly, 20 sentences of two dialects and 30 words of Changweon dialect were dealt with experimental method. Thirdly, for comparison of toponymy, the tone of the station names was investigated. In this article, we analyzed sentential tone of two dialects. For that, distribution of tone pattern and reduction or weakening of tone pattern in a sentence was investigated. The descripton about tone reduction was firstly done in this study.

      • 朝鮮時代의 水使와 僉使의 交遞實態 : with Reference to the Case of Gyong-sang Jwa-su-sa(慶尙左水使) and Da-dae-po Chom-sa(多大浦僉使) 慶尙左水使와 多大浦僉使의 경우

        李源鈞 釜山水産大學校 1984 論文集 Vol.33 No.-

        In this thesis I have examined through the book of Gyong-sang Jwa-su-yong Songsaeng-an( 慶尙左水營先生案) and Da-dae-po Son-saeng-an (多大浦先生案) how Gyong-sang Jwa-su -sa and Da-dae po Chom-sam were actually replaced. Its conclusion is roughly summarized as follows : Firstly, Su-sa and Chom-sa were given their tenure of office. However, this tenure of office was not observed satisfactorily. Most of Su-sa and Chom-sa were replaced prior to the expiration of their tenure. Such a fact shows the their legal tenure of office was not fixed absolutely. So it was nothing but a certain principle and standard. Secondly, many of Su-sa and Chom-sa were replaced against their will by means of disciplinary punishment except for a small minority among them. Accordingly, the rate of their disciplinary punishment was very high. In the case of Su-sa its rate amounted to 26.6%, and in the case of Chom-sa, it came up to 30.9% which was a little higher than that of Su-sa. Such a high rate of disciplinary punishment was attributed to their wrong doings which arose from unsatisfactory material security for their living though the government organized such official positions as Su-sa and Chom-sa. On the other hand the reason why the rate of disciplinary punishment for Chom-sa was higher than that of Su-sa was that Chom-sa became the object of his efficiency rating system conducted by Su-sa. Thirdly, the position of both Su-sa and Chom-sa was often vacant since a predecessor in office and a successor to that post never coincided with each other at the time of their replacement. So the rate of his vacancy amounted to 3.6% in the case of Su-sa and its rate came up to 6.4% in the case of Chom-sa. Lastly, frequent disciplinary punishment against Su-sa and Chom-sa and the intemperate personnel administration the government in disregard of legal tenure of office gave rise to their frequent replacement. As a result, in the case of Su-sa the average term of office was 1 year and 4 months and 7 days which was short of 23 days out 2 years, his legal term of office, while the average term of office each Chom-sa was no more than 1 year and 5 months and 18 days which came short of 1 year and 12 days out of 2 years and 6 months, his legal term of office.

      • 朝鮮時代의 關察使와 都事의 交遞實態 : With Special Reference to the Case of Gyung-sang Gwan-chal-sa(慶尙關察使) and Gyung-sang Do-sa(慶尙都事) 慶尙關察使와 慶尙都事의 경우

        李源鈞 釜山水産大學校 1981 論文集 Vol.27 No.-

        In this thesis I have examined through the book of Gyung Sang Do Seon Saeng An 慶尙道先生案(a list of Gwan-chal-sa and Do-sa) how Gwan-chal-sa (provincial supervisor) and Do-sa (assistant supervisor) had been actually replaced. Their replacement was mainly due to the expiration of their tenure of office, disciplinary punishment, and their resignation. The reason why they were replaced is roughly classified into five types in the following: Firstly, Gwan-chal-sa and Do-sa were given their tenure of office (one or two years in case of Gwan-chal-sa and one year in case of Do-sa). However, this tenure of office was not observed satisfactorily especially since the close of 16th century. Most of Gwan-chal-sa and Do-sa were replaced prior to the expiration of their tenure. There were many cases in which they were short of the tenure to be legally admitted or by far over than their tenure of office. Such fact shows that their legal tenure was not fixed absolutely. So it was nothing but a certain principle and standard. Secondly, there were few who were replaced against their will by means of disciplinary punishment except for a small minority among Gwan-chal-sa and Do-sa until the mid 16th century. However, after the closing period of 16th century, politics were in disorder, and as official discipline slackeded up, one fifth of Gwan-chal-sa and almost half of Do-sa were dismiss- ed from their duties unwillingly. Thirdly, the replacement of Gwan-chal-sa (provincial supervisors) arising from their resignation was unusual even until the first half of 16th century because the chos on government gave thoughtful regard for their nomination and treatment in view of the great importance of local administration. But since the latter half of the 16th century there arose a tendency to make little of local office, so that a number of provincial supervisors who grew tired of their position abdicated it. Accordingly, the Choson government prolonged the tenure of provincial supervisors (Gwan-chal-sa)into two years and permitted them to start for their mew post with their family in order to lower the rate of their resignation. However, when nepotic politics (勢道政治) began in the early 19th century, the rate of their resignation was raised again and reached its peak. In the latter half of 19th century the rate was lowered again with the end of nepotic politics. Fourthly, Do-sa (assistant supervisors) held a suitable position, and their social status was firmly ensured. But in the latter half of 16th century when the circumstances changed completely, their position became insecure and their social status was not secured at all, so that almost half of Do-sa were dismissed on account of trifle errors. Even though they excused themselves from the deprivation of office they were not given a new office after leaving their post. Thus it was impossible for them to continue their lives in officialdom. Besides, they merely became nominal officials who were cut of work because Gwan-chal-sa (provincial supervisors) deprived them of their own works. Consequently, public officials in those days disliked the position of Do-sa, and in the end many assistant supervisors (Do-as) avoided taking up the duties of a new office.

      • 신경병증성 통증 모델쥐 뒤뿌리신경절의 Nitric Oxide Synthase 아형 및 NADPH-diaphorase 발현에 관한 연구

        정성균,김수일,양은진,류택근,권오유,박경란,이영호,김원식 충남대학교 의과대학 지역사회의학연구소 1998 충남의대잡지 Vol.25 No.2

        Injury to peripheral nerve somtimes lead to neuropathic pain. Nitric oxide(NO) is increased in the dorsal root ganglia (DRG) of neuropathic pain models, and L-NAME, a nitric oxide synthase (NOS) inhibitor, reduces neuropathic pain. However, it is not known that underlying mechanism of NO involvement in development and maintanence of neuropathic pain. It was found that there were three NOS isoforms-nNOS, eNOS, and iNOS. It is also necessary to investigate NOS isoforms in neuropathic pain. The aim of this study is to investigate NOS isoforms and NADPH-diaphorase expressions and underlying mechanism of NO involvement in neuropathic pain. The 5^th lambar (L5) DRG were obtaind after tight ligation of L5 an L6 spinal nerves for 7 days. Toluidine blue stain, immunohistochemistry for nNOS, eNOS, and iNOS, and NADPH-diaphorase histochemistry were performed. All specimens were observed under light microscope. nNOS expression was increased significantly in the cytoplasm of the DRG of ligated side at 7 day post-ligation (7D PL). eNOS expression was also increased in the blood vessel, a few neurons or satellite cells, and cell membrane of Schwann cells in the DRG of ligated side at 7D PL. iNOS expression was increased in a few blood vessels and cytoplasm of small neurons in the DRG of ligated side at 7D PL. NADPH-diaphorase expression was increased significantly in the neurons of the DRG of ligate side at 7D PL, but NADPH-diaphorase expressions were weak or absent in the blood vessel and Schwann cell in the contralateral DRG and the DRG of ligated side at 7D PL. It is suggested that NOS isoforms may be closely related to development and mantanence of neuropathic pain in order of nNOS>eNOS>iNOS.

      • KCI등재
      • 가압경수로 보조급수계통의 퍼지고장수목분석에 관한 연구

        이창균,황원국 慶熙大學校 1991 論文集 Vol.20 No.-

        Fault Tree Analysis(FTA)has been widely used to analyze the reliability of large and complex engineering systems. FTA is based on probability theory, and would be perfect when all data were defined manifestly. However, when data is infered from expert's judgement of the human error is quantified, this methodology may not apporopriate because of inherent fuzziness of the data used. In this regard, a possible alternative is to utilize Fuzzy Fault Tree Analysis(FFTA)methodology which is based on a possibilistic approach using the expression with natual language for the various fuzziness. In this paper, a possibilistic approach and fuzzy probabilistic approach based on fuzzy set theory are suggested, and the results of the evalution of failure possibity and fuzzy measure for the Auxiliary Feedwater System of Pressurized Water Reactor given in WASH―1400 are presented.

      • 朝鮮 中宗朝 臺諫의 交遞實態

        李源鈞 釜山水産大學校 1985 論文集 Vol.35 No.-

        The purpose of this thesis is to examine roughly how Dae Gan(臺諫) in the times of King Jung Jong-a government official attached to SA Hon Bu(司憲府) and Sa Gan Won(司諫院)-was actually replaced on the basis of an Authentic Record of King Jung Jong (中宗實錄). The conclusion resulted from here is summarized as follows: (1) Dae Gan of the Choson Dynasty was too often replaced from the times of King Jung Jong on. (2) The reason Dae Gan was so often replaced was that he not only quitted his office on the charge of trivial misdemeanors but he himself let his fellow Dae Gan resign from the position so that he might maintain his dignity and grace. (3) The repeated replacement of Dae Gan frequently brought an effect on that of government officials attached to other ministerial institutions in those days

      • 액정유체의 압력 유도 흐름에서의 분자 배향과 속도 분포

        한원희,조정호,전종기,노상균,고승태 동양대학교 2001 동양대학교 논문집 Vol.7 No.1

        본 연구에서는 액정의 압력 유도 흐름에 대해 적응성 토크 균형식과 코시 운동량보존식을 액정 연속체 이론의 핵심이 되는 Leslie-Ericksen 이론에 적용하여 수치해석 방법들로 풀어내었다.비선형 편미분 방정식계의 해를 구할 때 경계조건으로 쓰인 분자 배향닻 조건은 평행 닻조건(parallel anchoring)과 직교 닻조건(homeotropic anchoring)이다.분자 배향 분포는 평행 닻조건에서나 직교 닻조건에서나 시간이 지남에 따라 간단한 전단 흐름에서와 같이 3차원 비평판 배향의 구조를 갖게되지만 배향 비틀림의 구조가 다름을 알 수 있었다.배향 비틀링의 3차원적 구조를 갖게됨에 따라 압력 구배가 걸리는 흐름방향의 주 속도 분포뿐만 아니라 직교되는 방향으로 부 속도분포가 생기며 정상상태로 발전해가는 속도 분포 진화는 점근적이 아닌 진동적이다.비정상상태에서나 정상상태에서 속도 분포는 비 뉴톤성임을 알 수 있다.비등방성 Miesowicz 점도 순열에 따른 평행 닻조건에서의 더 많은 흐름량을 볼수 있고 직교 닻조건에서는 벽면에서 보이는 작은 속도 구배량의 특징을 가진다.

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