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서울특별시에 위치한 기초의회의 충원양태와 정치적 실적분석
김왕식 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1994 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.64 No.2-3
The purpose of this study is to examine the empirical relation between recruitment pattern and political performance of the District Councils in Seoul. For this purpose, I have analyzed the historical development of the regional self-government system in Korea, the recruitment pattern of the District Councils in terms of socio-economic and political background, and the political performance of the District Councils by examining sessional records of the Councils. The findings are as follows: First, strong relationship between development pattern of the regional self-government and political change in Korea has been found. The rise of authoritarian regime undermined autonomy of regional self-government, while decline of authoritarian regime worked as a good opportunity to enhance autonomy of regional self-government. Second, the District Council members are recruited by the persons working in commerce, construction or industrial business, with age of forties and higher educational background. Judging from socio-economic background, the District Council members are equipped with basic skill and enough knowledge to carry out decision-making function of the District Council. However, as most of the District Council members are relatively young persons who lack enough experiences in policy-making, but have strong political ambition to utilize their position in the District Council as a stepping stone for future career, there are high possibility for the District Council members to play rather passive role than active role in operation of the District Councils. The District Council members are prone to serve for the interest of specific business group rather than general interest of the residents due to the fact that the District Councils are over represented by the specific occupational groups. Furthermore, as most of the District Council members are recruited from the ruling party, political control of the District Council over the administrative organ can be weakened. Third, in relation to the above mentioned recruitment pattern, the political performance of the District Councils are not that much impressive. 1) The District Councils did not play an important role in policy formation. This was evidenced by the fact that the District Councils are passive in proposing the District Act as well as examining the District Act proposed by the executive organs. Even though basic function of the District councils are to enact the District Act, the District Council proposed tenfold less bill than the executive organ. The District Councils passed more than 99% of bills proposed by the executive organ without any meaningful revision. In this sense the District Councils are seen to be rather "Rubber-stamp" than active players in policy formation. 2) The role of the District Councils were neither impressive. Judging from distribution of issues dealt with in the District Councils, District Councils seem to put little emphasis on control function over policy implementation by the executive organs. 3) The District Councils showed efficiency in dealing with petitions. Roughly 70% of petitions are properly dealt with by the District Council, while the Seoul City Council dealted with only 24.2% of the total petitions. In this sense response capability of the District Councils can be evaluated relatively good.
김왕식 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1994 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.65 No.1-2
The purpose of this study is to examine the political implication of the Korean police in the American Military Government period. For this purpose, I have analyzed the power configuration of the Korean society, American Military Government policy toward Korea, the internal dynamics of the Korean police, and the role of the Korean police in the Korean political process in the American Military Government period. The findings are as follows : First, the Korean police in the American Military Government period was the most important actor that could influence which political group would grasp state power in the state building period. As power vacuum was created in Korean society just after 8.15 and the Korean police was the only organization that enjoyed monopolistic control of physical coercion, it was very important for the political groups that seeked for control of state power to get support from the Korean police. Second, the high ranking officers of the Korean police had a strong political connection with Syngman Lee and Korean Democratic Party among the competing political groups. Most of the high ranking officers including the head of the Korean police were recruited from Korean police and leaders of the Korean Democratic Party shared conservative political ideology. Pro-Japanese behavior during the Japanese colonial period made them leaned toward anti-communist and conservative ideology. Third, the Korean police played decisive role for Lee-KDP group to gain control state power in state building period. 1) The Korean police made the leftist group excluded from the power competition for state power by repressing the leftist group and restraining the revolutionary change demanded from the below. 2) The Korean strongly supported separate government building campaign launched by the Lee-KDP group. 3) The first election in the Korean history was made possible by enormous effort of the Korean police including mass mobilization. Holding election in southern part of Korean peninsula itself meant political victory for the Lee-KDP group. 4) Arbitrary intervention of the Korean police in election contributed to Lee-KDP group to be a final winner in power struggle. Contrary to conventional wisdom about the role of the Korean police, the Korean police should be interpreted as a active political actor in state building process rather than passive agent of the political leaders.
김왕식 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1992 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.60 No.2
The purpose of this paper is to examine the electoral result of the 1992 National Assembly election in Korea. The focus of this study is directed toward the causes that contributed to the ruling partys loss of legislative majority even though the ruling party was an outcome of a new political coalition. For this purpose, first, I have outlined the artificial transformation of the party system through political bargaining among political leaders and the oppositional responses as the situational factors : 1) the formation of a new hegemonic ruling party through merging of the old minority ruling party and two opposition parties, 2) the integration of opposition bloc facing large ruling bloc, and 3) the emergence of a new third party. In this situation, the major electoral issue was the legitimation of the formation of a new ruling bloc. The electoral result showed the new ruling partys loss of legislative majority and the emergence of a third party. This means that serious political cleavage among Koreans exists, making new formation of three party-system possible. The aggregate data analysis of the contributing factors are as follows : 1) The comparatively high rate of vote in Seoul, Incheon, and Kyounggi area contributed to the success of the opposition parties, even though this election recorded the lowest rate of vote as compared with previous elections. 2) The age-old voting pattern, "the residents of rural areas favor the ruling party, and the residents of urban areas favor the opposition party", was still valid in this election, and contributed to a division between the ruling and the opposition parties. 3) The regional sentiments of voters contributed to another division among opposition parties as well as division between the ruling and the opposition parties. Based upon these findings, the following conclusions could be made. First, Korean citizens do not approve of the artificial transformation of the party system. The critical issue of this election was centered on whether the citizens would approve of the transformation of the party system. Newly merged ruling partys loss of legislative majority meant that citizens did not approve of the legitimacy of the artificial transformation of the party system established through political bargaining among political leaders. Second, a trilateral political cleavage structure clearly exists in the Korean society. Unfortunately, this cleavage is based on regional sentiment as well as citizens sentiment on the ruling bloc. This is evidenced by the fact that the legislative seats are partitioned into three political bloc, even though this election was carried out after the artificial transformation of the party system. Third, the realistic position of progressive parties in the Korean society needs to be re-examined. The long term strategy and electoral tactics of progressive parties should be reexamined for congressional representation of the progressive forces in the Korean society. The congressional representation of progressive forces through conservation party, which is one of the characteristics of this election, should also be reexamined in the sense that this kind of electoral tactics might obscure the genuine interest of the representation of progressive forces on political process.
안면비대칭자의 3차원 전산단층사진 분석에서 경·연조직간 비대칭 정도 차이
김왕식,이기헌,황현식 대한치과교정학회 2005 대한치과교정학회지 Vol.35 No.3
본 연구는 안면비대칭 환자에서 경조직의 비대칭 정도와 연조직 비대칭 정도의 차이를 3차원적으로 밝히고자 시행되었다. 안면비대칭으로 보이는 성인 남녀 34명을 대상으로 두경부 전산단층사진을 촬영하고 3차원 입체영상으로 재구성한 후 기준평면에 대해 비대칭을 나타내는 6개의 계측항목을 경조직에 설정하고, 이에 대응하는 연조직계측항목을 각각 설정한 후 3차원 계측을 시행하고 경조직과 연조직의 계측항목간 차이를 비교하였다. 이부편위측과 반대측간의 계측치 차이를 비교한 결과, 경조직과 연조직 모두에서 좌우측 계측치관에 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 관찰되었으며 경조직과 연조직의 비대칭 계측항목을 비교한 결과. 0개의 계측항목 모두에서 통계적으로 유의한 차이를 나타내었다. 이부편위를 나타내는 chin deviation, 하악지와 하악골체를 나타내는 frontal ramal inclination difference. frontal corpus inclination difference 항목은 경조직의 비대칭 정도에 비하여 연조직 비대칭정도가 작게 나타난 반면, 입술경사를 나타내는 lip cheilion height difference. lip canting은 maxillary height difference, occlusal plane canting보다 크게 나타나 입술부위의 비대칭 정도는 하부 경조직의 비대칭정도보다 큰 것으로 나타났다. 안면비대칭자에서 경조직과 연조직간 비대칭 정도 차이를 규명한 본 연구 결과는안면비대칭 평가 시 경조직 외에 연조직 계측항목을 이용한 비대칭 분석도 필요함을 시사하였다. The purpose of this study was to compare the asymmetric degree between maxillofacial hard and soft tissues in individuals with facial asymmetry. Computerized tomographies (CT) of 34 adults (17 male, 17 female) who had facial asymmetry were taken. The CT images were transmitted to personal computers and then reconstructed into three-dimensional (3D) images through the use of computer software. In order to evaluate the degree of facial asymmetry, 6 measurements were constructed as the hard tissue measurements while 6 counterpart measurements were taken as the soft tissue measurements. The means and standard deviations were obtained for each measurement using 3D measure, then t-test was used to investigate the differences between each hard tissue measurement and the corresponding soft tissue measurement. All measurements used in the present study showed statistically significant differences between the hard and soft tissues. The degree of soft tissue asymmetry was smaller than that of corresponding hard tissue asymmetry in case of chin deviation, frontal ramal inclination difference, and frontal corpus inclination difference. On the other hand, the degree of soft tissue asymmetry was greater than that of underlying hard tissue asymmetry in the measurement of lip canting and lip cheilion height difference. The present study suggests that asymmetric differences of hard and soft tissue is observed in facial asymmetric subjects, and thus soft tissue analysis is needed in addition to hard tissue analysis when making an evaluation of facial asymmetry.
김왕식,황현식 전남대학교 치과대학 1999 전남치대논문집 Vol.11 No.1
The construction of angles is needed for soft tissue analysis and the angles can be made by drawing lines connecting anatomic points or tangent lines. The purpose of the present study is to compare the two drawing methods and show the difference between them. Soft tissue outlines were traced in the lateral cephalograms of 40 normal occlusion individuals, 20 males and 20 females. On the traced cephalograms, angles were constructed by means of both drawing methods. The procedure was repeated twice in a two-week period by the same investigator, and then performed once more by another. In each procedure, angular forms of profile was digitized and 10 angular measurements were computed. The two sets of measurement by the first investigator was compared to study differences due to the interval between drawings, while the two sets of measurement by the two investigators were compared to show any differences resulting from the drawers. The obtained results were as follows: 1. The comparison of the measurements between the anatomic point and tangent line group showed a statistically significant difference in nine of ten measurements. 2. The comparison for the reproducibility through correlation analysis showed a high reproducibility in both the anatomic point group and tangent line group. 3. In the analysis of the measurement difference according to the drawing time, two measurements showed significant difference in the anatomic point group and four measurements represented significant difference in the tangent line group. 4. In the analysis of the measurement difference according to the drawers, five measurements showed significant difference in the anatomic point group and six measurements represented significant difference in the tangent line group.
지방의회의 활동 및 운영양태에 대한 지방의회의원의 의식구조: 하나의 표본조사
김왕식 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2000 東西硏究 JOURNAL OF EAST AND WEST STUDIES Vol.12 No.1
본 연구는 지방의회의 활동 및 운영양태에 대한 지방의회의원의 의식구조를 분석한 것이다. 설문조사의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 지방자치에 대한 지방의회의원의 인지수준과 평가의 측면을 보면 지방의회의원들은 지방자치가 중앙과 지방간의 권력분화를 잘 이루어 내고 있다고 보고 있지는 않으나, 지방자치가 지방과 지방간의 조정과 협력에 기여하며, 그 지방의 자율성과 자립성을 강화시키며, 지방자치를 통해 지방정부 및 의회가 독창성과 자발성을 발휘하며, 지방의 특수성을 부각시키며, 지방자치가 민원 등의 현실적, 국지적 정책 뿐만 아니라 종합적이고 장기적인 정책 수행도 한다고 인식하고 있으며, 지방자치제도가 정치지도자의 충원, 주민의 참여기회 확대, 민주주의의 훈련 기회, 지역 주민의 요구부응, 그리고 주민대표의 책임의식 함양에 기여한다고 인식하고 있는 것으로 조사되었다. 둘째, 지방의회의원의 의정태도와 지방의회의 활동에 대한 조사 결과를 보면, 대다수의 지방의회의원들은 지방의회의원임에 대하여 상당한 자부심을 갖고 있으며, 예산안 심의시 주민 선호의 반영, 적극적인 투자유치, 효과적인 행정통제를 위하여 세심한 준비와 참여를 하는 한편, 자신의 소속의회 활동에 대하여 주민들이 어떠한 평가를 내리고 있는지 대체로 알고 있는 것으로 조사되었다. 대부분의 지방의회의회의 기능인 정책결정, 대표, 입법, 행정통제, 청원처리, 심의기능 등을 원활히 수행하고 있는 것으로 자체 평가하고 있다. 대부분의 지방의회의원들은 자신이 소속한 지방의회의 활동에 대하여 지역주민들이 대체로 잘 알고 있으며, 그에 대하여 대체로 긍정적으로 평가한다고 보고 있다. 그러나 주민들이 내린 평가의 정당성에 대해서는 유보하는 태도를 보이고 있다. 셋째, 지방의회의 운영양태에 대한 조사결과를 보면 지방의회에서 가장 많이 제의된 안건은 예산 및 재정, 지역자치사업, 그리고 주민복지와 관련된 사항들이며, 지역의 현안문제로서 지역경제개발, 산업화, 부의 평등실현, 균형복지, 실업자구제 등의 경제회복사업, 교육문화사업으로 나타나고 있다. 제의안건의 발의기관으로 대부분의 지방의회의원들은 지방자치단체장을 꼽고 있으며, 지방의회가 외부세력이나 기관으로부터의 독자성이나 자율성을 갖고 있으며, 입법활동과 관련하여 대부분의 조례안은 주민들의 의사가 최대한 반영되고 있으며, 조례안은 충분한 토론을 거처서 제정되는 것으로 조사되었다. 그러나 행정통제와 관련된 운영양태는 대체적으로 부정적인 것으로, 그리고 청원심사시 지방의회와 집행기관간에 긴밀한 협조는 제대로 이루어지지 않는 것으로 조사되었다.
중학생의 인터넷 중독과 학교생활 적응 및 민주시민의식과의 관계
김왕식,임영희 이화여자대학교 사범대학 교과교육연구소 2004 교과교육학연구 Vol.7 No.3
As personal computers and Internet have become widely popular, our lives have been changing with the increasing effect of them. The development of Internet gives benefits on our lives in that we could access to information rapidly and accurately. However, Internet has side effect, called “Internet addiction”. Internet addiction is defined as a symptom that Internet users have problems on daily life, social life, mental and physical health, and finance using Internet too much. Especially, adolescents using Internet longer than adult have these problems. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to find out what extent of the Internet addiction is and examine the relationship between the middle school students' Internet addiction and adaptability of school life and democratic citizenship. In order to analyze their relationship, questionnaires on Internet addiction, adaptability of school life and democratic citizenship are composed. 400 middle school students in the Seoul are randomly sampled. Collected data by the questionnaires are analyzed by various statistical methods such as frequency, χ², t-test, one-way ANOVA, ANCOVA, stepwise multiple regression. According to the results of the survey, First, 44.2% of subjects show the symptoms of Internet addiction. students making bad marks at school and a door-key students show Internet addiction Second, the lower grade, the higher marks at school and the higher standard of living, the more positive and affirmative of adaptability of school life. the lower grade and the higher marks at school, the higher democratic citizenship. Third, significant differences are found in the scores of adaptability of school life between Internet addicted students and non-Internet addicted students. That is, Internet addicted students show lower scores than non-Internet addicted students. Fourth, significant differences are also found in the scores of democratic citizenship between Internet addicted studentsand non-Internet addicted students. That is, Internet addicted students show lower scores than non-Internet addicted students. In conclusions, Internet addicted students don't adapt school life and have a low democratic citizenship. Namely Internetaddiction have a negative effect on adaptability of school life and democratic citizenship. In order for Internet to be properly established, it is necessary to develop education program and conduct campaign to change the current Internet culture.