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      • 초음파처리를 통한 탄소나노튜브 분산용액 제조 및 시멘트 페이스트의 적용성 평가

        박성환 ( Park¸ Sung-hwan ),김지현 ( Kim¸ Ji-hyun ),정철우 ( Chung¸ Chul-woo ) 한국건축시공학회 2021 한국건축시공학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.21 No.2

        Currently, the construction structures become larger and more high-performance in modern society, demands for ultra-high strength and light weight construction materials are increasing rapidly. Therefore, this study aims to confirm the applicability of nanomixed cement supplemented with physical and mechanical properties using nanomaterials.Changes in compressive strength and properties were analyzed according to the ratio of cement paste and dispersant (PCE) made by ultrasonication of carbon nanotubes (CNT).

      • KCI등재

        강도시기(江都時期) 고려 왕실의 가궐(假闕) 조영과 연기업(延基業)

        김성환 ( Kim¸ Sung-hwan ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2020 民族文化硏究 Vol.89 No.-

        무신집권기 이후 왕실의 연기업은 위축될 수밖에 없었고, 산천비보도감·重房堤로 대표되는 무신들의 연기업이 중방을 중심으로 실행되었다. 무신들은 문신과의 관계에서 항상 우위를 확인하려 했고, 무신이 관련된 건물·관청의 地氣를 비보하는 방법도 그중에 하나였다. 하지만 고종 3년(1216) 거란유종의 침략은 서반의 연기업에 일정한 전환을 가져오게 했다. 위기감을 가진 최씨정권이나 왕실 모두 그 관계를 더욱 긴밀하게 관리할 필요가 있었다. 결국 최선의 연기업은 무신집정자 권력 아래에서의 왕실 유지였다. 최충헌은 흥왕도감의 설치하고, 성종의 眞殿이었던 乾元寺를 부수어 액막이했으며, 백악에 새 궁궐을 짓는 등 거란 침입을 기양하여 왕실연기업을 실행하였다. 몽고 침략으로 고종 19년(1232) 6월 전격 추진된 강화 천도는 연기업의 방법과 장소에 근본적인 재검토를 수반했다. 고종 21년에는 扶踈山에서 갈라진 좌소 阿思達로비정된 옛 양주 땅에 남경 가궐을 지어 어의를 봉안했고, 개경 수창궁에 太祖神御를 봉안하여 어의와 함께 4개월을 단위로 개경과 남경에 교차 봉안하는 연기업을 실행했다. 국왕이 개경과 남경에 친행하지 못하는 상황에서 주나라 8백년 왕업이 고려왕조에 지속될 것을 염원한 것이었다. 그런데 이 조치는 고려왕실의 永業地였던 부소산 좌곡이 도참에서 좌소 백악, 단군전승에서 고조선의 도읍지[길지]인 백악산아사달과 융합되면서 좌소 아사달로 비정되는 결과에 따른 것이었다. 전쟁의 수습책으로 몽고가 강도에서의 출륙과 국왕 친조를 제시함으로서 이를 타개할 또 다른 연기책이 모색될 필요성이 있었다. 백승현의 延基業이 부각된 것은 이에따른 것이다. 그 내용은 앞 시대에 추진되었던 三蘇에서 연기궁궐 조성과 비교할 수 있는 혈구사·삼랑성·신니동에서 이궁·가궐 창건, 어의대 봉안, 문수신앙을 배경으로 밀교와 도교가 섞인 법화경 법석과 대일왕도량·대불정오성도량 개최였다. 하지만 고종 45-46년 추진된 연기업은 고종의 승하로 혈구사에서 대일왕도량과 법화경 법석개최만 이루어졌고, 삼랑성·신니동에서의 가궐 조영과 불교도량 설행은 개최하지 못했다. 그리고 그것은 원종 5년(1264) 국왕의 몽고 친조에 대한 무사귀환을 목적에서 삼랑성가궐을 중심으로 재추진되었다. The rapid transfer of the capital, Ganghwa Island, in the nineteenth year of King Gojong (1232) brought about by the Mongol invasion accompanied a fundamental reexamination of the method and location of the prayer ritual. In the twenty-first year of King Gojong within the territory of the old Yangju (楊州), designated as Asa-dal (阿思 達), which in turn formed the Jwaso (左蘇, a term in Feng shui referring to the left part of an auspicious place) which was divided by Buso mountain (扶踈山), the temporary royal palace of the Namgyeong (南京) was built, and the king’s royal clothing enshrined within it. Likewise, the portrait of King Taejo was enshrined at the Suchang-gung palace (壽昌宮) in Gaegyeong (開京), and the prayer ritual was carried out every four months in turns at Gaegyeong and Namgyeong. With the king unable to travel to Gaegyeong or Namgyeong due to the Mongol invasion, this was a prayer that the rule of the Zhou dynasty would be linked to the Goryeo dynasty for 800 years. By this method, however, the idea of Jwagok (左谷, another name for the left side of the auspicious place) of Buso mountain (the hereditary territory of the Goryeo royal house) was combined with that of Jwaso of Baegak mountain from the prophecy and the place of good fortune of Ancient Joseon’s Baegak mountain and Asa-dal from the Tangun legend, creating a different result from the prayer ritual with its origin in the designation of Asa-dal’s designation as Jwaso. As an alternative plan to war and to have the Mongols leave Gang-do Capital, and to enable the king himself to visit the Yuan empire, a different prayer ritual was needed. The emergence of Baek Seunghyun (白勝賢)’s prayer ritual was such an alternative. The content of this ritual was to serve as the introduction of the performance of the Daeilwang-doryang (大日王道場) and Daebuljeong-oseong-doryang (大佛頂五星道場, types of Buddhist ceremonies) as well as the Buddhist ceremonial reading of the Lotus Sutra, a Buddhist scripture combining esoteric Buddism and Taoism against the backdrop of the Munsu faith, the enshrinement of the king’s clothes and belt, the establishment of separate palaces to include temporary palaces in Hyeolgu-sa (穴口寺), Samrang-seong (三郞城) and Sinni-dong (神泥洞) which could be compared to the construction of the palace serving as the site of the prayer ritual at Samso (三蘇, a Feng Shui term referring to a trio of auspicious places). Due to the death of King Gojong, however, the prayer ritual of King Gojong 45-46 at the Hyeolgu-sa temple contains only the Daeilwang-doryang and the reading of the Lotus Sutra; the Practice of Buddhist ceremonies, and the construction of the temporary palace at Samrang-seong and Sinni-dong could not be included. Thus, in the fifth year of King Wonjong (1264), the ritual was repurposed with the temporary palace of Samrang-seong as the center for prayers for the safe return of the emperor from his voyage to visit the Mongol Emperor in Beijing.

      • KCI등재

        잔류파와 도강파의 내적 논리와 ‘공모의 공간’으로서의 고백적 글쓰기 -한국전쟁기 체제승인을 위한 논리적 기예의 몇 가지 유형들-

        유승환 ( Yoo¸ Sung-hwan ) 우리어문학회 2021 우리어문연구 Vol.71 No.-

        이 글은 인민군 치하 서울에서의 경험을 기록한 유진오, 백철, 최정희의 고백적 반공 수기를 검토하여, 이 시기 ‘잔류파’와 ‘도강파’의 논리를 복원하는 한편, 양자의 논리가 마주치며 굴절되고 봉합되는 과정을 살펴보았다. 한국전쟁기 부역 문인에 대한 사후처리 과정에서 이 시기의 특징적인 글쓰기 양식으로서의 자기반성적인 ‘고백적 글쓰기’의 장이 열린다. 이때 잔류파에게 요구된 반성적 자기고백은 잔류파에 대한 처벌이라는 맥락을 넘어, 도강파의 논리 이면에 존재하는 특정한 심정과 마주치는 것으로서, 도강파 문인들의 자기 정당화에 필수적으로 요청되는 것이기도 했다. 이 시기 고백적 반공 수기는 잔류파와 도강파가 마주치는 ‘공모의 공간’에서 창출되었고, 남한 체제를 승인하고 자신의 행동을 정당화하기 위한 논리적 기예를 수반했다. 도강파 유진오, 잔류파 백철과 최정희의 수기는 이러한 논리적 기예의 특징적 사례를 보여준다. 유진오는 자신을 버리고 남하한 남한 정부에 대한 회의를 드러내면서도 반공논리의 사후적 재구성과 세계사적 보편성이라는 역사철학적 관점을 경유한 냉전 논리의 추수를 통해 이를 봉합한다. 백철은 자기 자신을 문화주의적 문학인으로 규정하고 정치와 문화의 관계를 재설정함으로써 체제의 정당성을 입증하는 한편 자신의 행동을 정당화하려는 시도를 보여준다. 최정희는 정치적·이념적인 비-주체로서의 ‘여성성’을 의도적으로 강조함으로써, 국가체제의 요구를 폐기하고 다시 이를 통해 새로운 ‘문학’의 성립 가능성을 모색하는 시도를 보여준다. 이러한 세 문인의 고백적 수기는 이 시기 이루어진 체제의 승인을 위한 논리적 기예의 특징적 사례이자, 이후 이들의 후속작업과 연속성을 가진다. 이는 이 시기 고백적 수기를 국가적 강제력을 배경으로 한 일종의 전향으로 파악할 수 있는 가능성과 함께, 이러한 전향을 통한 사상적 변모를 이후 냉전기 한국문화의 사상적 기반 중 하나로 사유할 수 있는 가능성을 암시한다. This article reviewed the confessional anti-communist memoirs of Yu Jin-oh, Baek Cheol, and Choi Jeong-hee, who documented their experiences in Seoul under the People's Army, and through this, this article restored the logic of ‘the Remainers’ and ‘the Leavers’ during this period and examined the process in which the two logics are met, refracted and sutured. In the process of post-processing of writers who collaborated the Reds, the field of self-critical ‘confessional writing’ as a characteristic writing style of this period was opened. The self-critical confession required of the Remainers went beyond punishment for the Remainers, and faced the specific feelings behind the logic of the Leavers. And it was also essential to the self-justification of the Leavers. The confessional anti-communist memoirs of this period were created in the ‘space of complicity’ where the Remainers and the Leavers met, and were accompanied by logical stunts to approve the South Korean Regime and justify their actions. The memoirs of Yu Jin-oh, the Leavers, Baek Cheol and Choi Jeong-hee,the Remainers, show characteristic examples of this logical stunts. Yu Jin-oh revealed his skepticism about the South Korean government that has abandoned him, but sealed it up through the hindsight reconstruction of anti-communist logic and approval of Cold War logic through the historical philosophical perspective of universality in world history. Baek Cheol defined himself as a culturalist writer and tried to justify his actions and to prove the legitimacy of the South-Korea regime by reestablishing the relationship between politics and culture. Choi Jeong-hee intentionally emphasized her 'femininity' as a political and ideological non-subject and abandoned the demands of the regime and seeked the possibility of establishing a new 'literature' through it. The confessional memoirs of these three writers are characteristic examples of logical stunts for the approval of the regime during this period, and have continuity with their subsequent works. This suggests the possibility that the confessional memoirs of this period can be regarded as a kind of conversion and the possibility of thinking of the ideological change through this conversion as one of the ideological foundations of Korean culture during the Cold War.

      • 고강도 베이나이트강 크랭크샤프트 개발

        김성환(Sunghwan Kim),이창구(Changu Lee),김학수(Haksoo Kim),박성환(Sunghwan Park),고영상(Youngsang Ko) 한국자동차공학회 2011 한국자동차공학회 학술대회 및 전시회 Vol.2011 No.11

        The developments of high strength materials for automotive engine moving system have become a critical issue due to the trend of high horse power and down-size engines. A crankshaft, in particular, is of importance because it rotates with experiencing more load as engine power and fuel efficiency are increased. Therefore, stiffness and durability of crankshaft are great concern for entire engine performance as well as life-time. In this study, high strength bainite steel has been developed, and its durability has been increased by 10% compared to conventional high strength steels but maintaining cost and produce ability are similar to those. Also, hardening mechanism and fatigue properties were investigated.

      • Two Years Data of Tenofovir Alafenamide versus Tenofovir Disoproxil Fumarate for the Treatment of Patients with Chronic Hepatitis B

        ( Sunghwan Yoo ),( Hyun Woong Lee ),( Seung Up Kim ),( Sora Kim ),( Hye Young Chang ),( Jung Il Lee ),( Beom Kyung Kim ),( Jun Yong Park ),( Do Young Kim ),( Kwang-hyub Han ),( Kwan Sik Lee ),( Sang H 대한간학회 2020 춘·추계 학술대회 (KASL) Vol.2020 No.1

        Aims: In 96-week results from double-blind, randomized phase III trials, Tenofovir Alafenamide (TAF) continues to be as effective as Tenofovir Disoproxil Fumarate (TDF) with continued improved renal and bone safety. We compared the efficacy and safety of the two drugs in patients with chronic hepatitis B (CHB) for 2 years. Methods: A total of 890 patients with CHB treated with tenofovir alafenamide (TAF, n = 77) or tenofovir disoproxil fumarate (TDF, n = 813) in two tertiary referral centers between November 1, 2017, and December 31, 2017, were analyzed. Eligible patients were aged at least 18 years with chronic HBV infection (with serum HBV DNA concentrations of >2, 000 IU/mL), serum alanine aminotransferase concentrations of greater than 40 U/L and at no more than twenty times the upper limit of normal, and estimated glomerular filtrate rate (eGFR) of at least 50 mL/min (by the Chronic kidney disease epidemiology collaboration). To reduce selection bias and the effect of potential confounders, propensity scores were calculated by logistic regression based on age, gender, diabetes, compensated cirrhosis, and hepatitis B e antigen (HBeAg) status, initial ALT, initial HBV DNA, total bilirubin, albumin, and platelet counts. Differences between the two groups were balanced by a 1:1 PS-matched analysis (TAF, n=77 vs. TDF, n=77). The primary efficacy endpoint was the proportion of patients who had HBV DNA less than 20 IU/mL at week 96; Serum phosphorus, eGFR, and lipid profile were assessed to evaluate the safety. Results: Baseline characteristics were not different between the two groups. Biochemical response (ALT<40 IU/L) rate in TAF and TDF group was 77.9% (60/77) vs 79.2% (61/77) at 1 year, 92.2% (71/77) vs. 89.6% (69/77) at 2 years. Virological response rates (HBV DNA <20IU/mL) was 62.3% (48/77) vs. 66.2% (51/77) at 1 year, 85.7% (66/77) vs. 84.4% (65/77) at 2 years. There were no statistical differences in biochemical and virological response rates. The mean reduction in serum HBV DNA from baseline to 1 and 2 years were similar in TAF and TDF group (-4.7 vs -5.1 and -5.2 vs -5.2 log10IU/mL, P=0.995). HBeAg seroconversion was 21.6% (8/37) vs 8.6% (3/35) at 2 years (P=0.191). A virological breakthrough was not seen in both groups. At year 2, mean change in eGFR was similar in both groups (TAF +4.7 mL/min vs TDF -1.4 mL/min; P=0·121), mean change in phosphorus was also similar in both group (TAF -0.05 mg/dL vs TDF -0.01 mg/dL; P=0·611). Conclusions: In patients with HBeAg positive and negative CHB, the efficacy and safety of TAF were similar to those of TDF at 2 years.

      • SCISCIESCOPUS

        Crystal Growth and Scintillation Properties of <tex> ${\hbox {Cs}}_{2}{\hbox {NaCeBr}}_{6}$</tex>

        Sunghwan Kim,Gul Rooh,Kim, H J,Wan Kim,Hong, U IEEE 2010 IEEE transactions on nuclear science Vol.57 No.3

        <P>In this paper crystal growth, luminescence and scintillation properties of Cs<SUB>2</SUB>NaCeBr<SUB>6</SUB> crystal are presented. The studied Cs<SUB>2</SUB>NaCeBr<SUB>6</SUB> crystal was grown by the Bridgman method using a two-zone vertical transparent furnace. The material was synthesized using the reaction 2CsBr + NaBr + CeBr<SUB>3</SUB> → Cs<SUB>2</SUB>NaCeBr<SUB>6</SUB>. Under UV excitation the emission of crystal was observed in the range of 300 to 450 nm with two peaks at 377 and 400 nm. The emission is due to the 5d → 4f transitions on Ce<SUP>3+</SUP>. The energy resolution of the crystal measured under 662 keV was 6.7%. The scintillation decay time showed two components characterized by 140 ns and 880 ns time constants. The light yield of the crystal was estimated to be 25,000 photons/MeV.</P>

      • KCI등재

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