A Study of Henry's Self-Delusive Love In Ernest Hemingway's A Farewell to Arms

Cho, Sung-Sop 국립7개대학공동논문집간행위원회 2003 人文學論叢 Vol.3 No.-

헨리의 가족과 캐더린에 대한 태도에서 사회와 격리된 헨리의 정신적 태도를 엿볼 수 있다. 헨리는 처음엔 캐더린을 단지 욕정의 대상으로 생각할 뿐이다. 캐더린은 헨리에게 자기를 어떻게 생각하는지 사랑하고 있는지 묻는다. 사랑한다고 말하는 그의 태도에서 헨리의 정신적 생활의 불합리성을 찾을 수 있다. 헨리에게 삶은 도박과 같은 것으로 헨리는 언제나 캐더린의 곁을 떠날 수 있다. 캐더린은 헨리와의 관계를 명확히 규명함으로서 헨리에게 인간다운 삶이 무엇인지 암시하고 있다. 헨리는 전쟁에서 입은 상처에도 불구하고 전쟁을 심각하게 받아들이지 않는다. 헨리에 대한 초조감을 가지고 있던 신부는 헨리가 지니고 있던 여성관에 관한 환상을 깨뜨리고자 한다. 후에 헨리는 캐더린을 단순한 욕정의 대상에서 진정한 사랑의 대상으로 변하여간다. 헨리는 캐더린의 사랑을 통해 자신이 체험했던 일들을 이념적으로 체계화 할 가치를 가지게 된다. 헨리가 단순히 쾌락의 대상으로 삼았던 여성들과 캐더린은 근본적으로 커다란 차이점을 가진다. 헨리에게 있어 캐더린은 다른 여성과 달리 평화와 안식의 대상이다. 캐더린은 더 이상 헨리가 쾌락을 추구하는 여인이 아니라 그녀와 함께 함으로 헨리는 고독하지 않고 평온함을 느낀다. 친구로 여기던 신부는 헨리의 환상적인 생각을 깨뜨리고자 한다. 그러나 캐더린은 죽는다. 그녀의 죽음은 단지 인간의 숙명에 지나지 않으며 인간을 사랑함으로써 세상의 무의미함을 극복하려고 한 헨리의 시도였다. 그러나 그 시도는 '실패로 귀결되며, 헨리는 인간의 세계에서 피할 수 없는 죽음이라는 것을 깨달은 채 자신이 생각해왔던 환상적인 사랑의 끝을 맺는다.

日本의 武士-軍事의 傳統과 近代國家의 形成

朴相燮 서울大學校 國際問題硏究所 1997 세계정치 Vol.- No.21

Recent historical-sociological studies have argued that almost without exception it was through the efforts of war-making that modern state-making in Europe was successful. The main purpose of this paper is to investigate this causal relationship between war-making and state-making in other regions employing the case of Japan's military history. The case of Japan was chosen for it was possibly the only successful attempt of modern state-making in non-European areas. The author also wants to highlight some peculiarities of Japanese history against the backdrop of the European experience of state-making. One of the peculiarities of the Japan's military tradition is that armed forces were organized and deployed privately by skilled "professional" warriors throughout its history until the unification by Toyotomi Hideyoshi. The court at Kyoto, instead of building its own armed force of public nature, utilized private forces when necessity arose. This policy gave birth to the military aristocracy in Kyoto and lent an impetus to the rise of warrior bands in localities. This was due to the fact that the armed force was needed only for domestic purposes such as suppressing insurrections by discontented members of the ruling group rather than for wars with rival polities. The existence of strong military aristocrats or warrior bands consequently brought about the rise of military government which was based on only its own military force, as was in the case of Kamakura Bakufa(鎌倉幕府). What is more important is the aristocrats' parallel development in localities where land ownership and military service become interlocked as integral parts of then newly emerging feudal relationship. The dynamic underlying this development gave rise to the appearance of Sengoku Daimyo(戰國大名) and the incessant century-long struggles among the local warlords. During this long period of intense armed struggle, the political organization of Sengoku Daimyo found a chance of becoming "modernized", which can be comparable to the European absolutist dynastic states. We can find the ultimate expression of organizational "modernity in the various policies of Toyotomi Hideyoshi, e.g., "sword hunt" (刀狩), land survey(太閤檢地), and the separation of samurai and peasant(兵農分離). The Tokugawa Bakufu inherited Hideyoshi's legacy and further developed and institutionalized it through the establishment of the Bakuhan system(幕蕃體制). However, in matters of military organization the Tokugawa system showed some retreat, in that it had only skeletal military structure except for guard forces. It was a natural consequence of national unification and ensuing pacification. Thus it is no wonder that Japan appeared powerless to the Western powers who forced open its doors in the late nineteenth century. However, the Japanese were able to utilize the long warrior tradition, which had been sustained on the level of consciousness or political culture in the form of bushi mentality(武士精神), as a cornerstone for the rapid rebuilding and modernization of its military. From this point of view, we can say that Japan's strong warrior or military tradition played a very important role in the process of modern state-making in both the sixteenth and early twentieth centuries. This Japanese experience appears to be a historical incident quite comparable to its European counterpart where the efforts of war-making lent a strong impetus to the successful attempts of state-making.

戰爭, 國家形成 및 政治發展 : 英國 立憲主義와 프랑스 絶對主義의 歷史的 起源에 관한 硏究 On Historical Origins of the English Constitutionalism and the French Absolutism

朴相燮 서울大學校 國際問題硏究所 1996 세계정치 Vol.- No.20

기계적으로 합금화된 Al-Ti분말의 특성

李相鎬,邊昌燮 大田産業大學校 1993 한밭대학교 논문집 Vol.10 No.2

ABSTRACTMechanical alloying of Al-8wt%Ti and Al-12wt%Ti alloy powders has been studies to understand the mechanical alloying process.Various analytical techniques including microvickers hardness test, SEM, optical microscopy, and X-ray diffraction were used to find optimum conditious for mechanical alloying.Homogeneity of Al-8wt%Ti composite metal powders was obtained at the following process condition: addition of 1.5wt% stearic acid as PCA, the milling velocity of 300rpm and the milling time more that 10hours.At the above conditions it was also found that the mechanical alloyed powders reached steady state.At the steady state the particles have a uniform size distribution, a saturation hardness, an equiaxed shape, a composite structure and a chemical homogeneity. Mechanical alloying of Al-8wt%Ti and Al-12wt%Ti alloy powders has been studied to understand the mechanical alloying process. Various analytical techniques including microvickers hardness test, SEM, optical microscopy, and X-ray diffraction were used to find optimum conditious for mechanical alloying. Homogeneity of Al-8wt%Ti composite metal powders was obtained at the following process conditions; addition of 1.5wt% stearic acid as PCA, the milling velocity of 300rpm and the milling time more than 10hours. At the above conditions it was also found that the mechanical alloyed powders reached steady state. At the steady state the particles have a uniform size distribution, a saturation hardness, an equiaxed shape, a composite structure and a chemical homogeneity.

Karl Marx의 「國家理論」小攷

朴相燮 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1984 論文集 Vol.- No.8

The main purpose of this article is to throw some lights upon theoretical aspects in Marx's writings on the state. It has been maintained and remains true that Marrx had main purpose of this article is to throw some lights upon theoretical aspects in not left any coherent theoretical treatises on the state comparable to those on political economy. This absence was usually attributed to his low opinion of state's autonomy vis-a-vis the economic base, seemingly exemplified by his famous theorem of the economic base and superstructure. However, on closer examination, this is simply not true and has been corrected by some Marxologists during the last few deacades. Based upon these new findings, this paper further seeks to find out some "systematic character" that might be underlying Marx's various writings or the subject of the state, particularly against the usual characterization of them as being fragmentary. Then it is suggested: there are two distinct theoretical strands in his writings on the state that may not be compatible each other, namely the thesis of autonomous state and a class-theoretical formulation of the state. However, this incompatibility seems more apparent than real, in that, in Mark's own writings, the two kinds of situation appear to represent different power relations among various social classes. On a more general level this reflection can be summed up in a sociological formulation, namely the relationship between various social structures and types of state form. It is our main argument that Marx may have attempted to elaborate on the kind of sociological formulation when he intended to write a more or less comprehensive treatise on the subject of the state. As is well-known by now, his projected theoretical work on the state had not been even initiated at all, except for a rather crude formulation of "historical materialism." For this reason, his actual discussion of the subject has remained skewed overwhelmingly toward a class-theoretical explanation at least in its appearance. It is regrettable that the aspect of state autonomy in his and his immediate followers' discussion has been much neglected up until recent times, when, however, a whole new generation of Marxist writers began to correct this state of affairs to some extent.

타이랜드의 역사적·사회적 개관

박상섭 서울대학교 사회과학연구소 1989 社會科學과政策硏究 Vol.11 No.2

都市計劃制限과 그 權利救濟理論에 관한 硏究

송영섭,손성태 弘益大學校 科學技術硏究所 1998 科學技術硏究論文集 Vol.9 No.1

There are a significant number of cases in which individuals' properties restricted by way of urban planning are not legitimately compensated due to social limitations or regional constraints. As long as considerable losses on the part of property owners are keenly recognized in certain cases, current practices must be reconsidered to rightfully guarantee the appropriate compensation. Truly, when it comes to restrictions rendered by urban planning, there is no one specific legal provision that touches upon the area of compensation. As such, in handling the compensation cases in practice, two prevailing, but conflicting, principles are being employed: the one is on based on the current convention of land expropriation; and the other is based on the National Property Compensation Law. Since the former is grounded upon the laws that are deficient of the proper provision of compensation of their own, the method calls for, in cases when a property of an individual has been sacrificed in the process of urban planning, the application of compensation for the property loss directly based on the Constitution according to the legal principle of the expropriation of properties for public interest. The logic supporting the latter is that the City Planning Code similarly lacks the compensation provisions thus violates the Constitution and, because of its unconstitutionality, the individual whose property tights have been abdicated is subject to compensation for his or her losses on the basis of the National Property Compensation Law, instead. However, either arguments yet seem to suffer from controversies and retain the difficulties in effectively dealing with the cases under the present legal circumstances. In this regard, it is necessary to implement proper legal mechanism and regulations that provide more transparent and specific standards.

소련-東毆의 統合軍事秩序 : 바르샤바 조약기구에 관한 一硏究

朴相燮 서울대학교 사회과학연구소 1988 社會科學과政策硏究 Vol.10 No.2

冷戰의 起源과 修正主義 : -修正主義 主張의 批判的 檢討

金容九,朴相燮 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1986 論文集 Vol.- No.10

The main purpose of this paper is to review critically the revisionist arguments on the origins of the Cold War, with a view to laying a ground for a critique of some uncritical attempts to accommodate revisionism in interpreting the recent Korean political history surrounding the national division and the resultant Korean War. We find some difficulties in the attitude of those writers who take the revisionist viewpoint, particularly that of Kolkos and Cumings without any critical assessment. We assume that the source of the difficulties lies in the works of the Cold War revisionism themselves, and that the difficulties reflect the original limits of revisionism. The major point of the authors' argument is that the revisionists tend to confuse the general tendency that is revealed in the tradition of American foreign policy, as a whole, namely the economic expansionism exemplified by the Open Door policy, with the decision makers' conscious policy intentions. In other words, they show a strong tendency of reductionism. Thus they seem not to be aware of the fact that there exists a structural pressure exerting by the international political system and domestic politics, which tends to restrict the latitude of individual policy makers. Consequently, they tend to argue that there must be a culprit which should be blamed for the outbreak of the Cold War. Considering that the revisionism has emerged in part as an anti-thesis against the traditionalism, it seems not unnatural that they argue the United States should take the responsibility for the rise of the Cold War. In so doing, they are silent about the nature of Soviet foreign policy. They seem to assume the Soviet policy has been invariably rationalist. In this we find a close parallel between the traditionalist and revisionist arguments in that both have attempted to find the origin of the Cold War solely on the level of participants' (to the Cold War) specific policies. Alternatively, the authors propose a realist point of view which emphasizes the systemic pressure of the structure of international power politics. We argue that this enables us to escape the moralist pitfalls underlying both the traditionalism and revisionism, and thus provides us with a more balanced perfective in understanding the nature and the origins of the Cold War. It is also argued that the lesson learned from the critical review of the revisionist literatures on the origins of the Cold War should also apply to the discussion of the recent Korean political history.

The implications of Ureaplasma urealyticum for human papillomavirus infection in asymptomatic sexually active individuals

( Sang Il Kim ),( Joo Hee Yoon ),( Dong Choon Park ),( Sung Jong Lee ),( Jin Hwi Kim ),( Tae Chul Park ),( Dong Sup Lee ),( Seung Ju Lee ),( Hyun Sop Choe ) 대한산부인과학회 2018 대한산부인과학회 학술대회 Vol.104 No.-

Objective: This study aimed to determine the role of asymptomatic bacterial sexually transmitted infections (STIs), such as Chlamydia trachomatis (Ct), Mycoplasma genitalium (Mg), Mycoplasma hominis (Mh), and Ureaplasma urealyticum (Uu) in human papillomavirus (HPV) infection. Methods: In total, 264 asymptomatic outpatients aged between 21 and 80 years were prospectively enrolled in this study during routine gynecological screening tests. Specimens collected with a Cervex Brush were routinely analyzed with the Hybrid Capture 2 assay for HPV. Simultaneously, a specimen obtained with an endocervical swab was used to detect Ct and Mg with a monoplex real-time polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and to confirm Mh and Uu with a Mycoplasma IST 2 kit. Results: The detection rates (%) of HPV, Ct, Mg, Mh, and Uu were 82/264 (31.1), 6/264 (2.3), 5/264 (1.9), 16/264 (6.1), and 95/264 (36.0), respectively. Of 95 Uu, 32 (33.7%) showed high density colonization (HDC, 104 color-changing units/mL). HDC-Uu was significantly associated with HPV infection (p=0.014, chi-square test). Mg infection and Mh infection were not associated with HPV infection (p=0.981 and p=0.931, chi-square test). Age was not associated with HPV infection or bacterial infection. Conclusion: Our data suggested that asymptomatic HDC-Uu was closely associated with HPV infection. Therefore, simultaneous evaluation for Uu and HPV should be performed during gynecological screening, even in asymptomatic individuals. Acknowledgements: This research was supported by a grant of the Korea Health Technology R&D Project under the Korea Health Industry Development Institute (KHIDI), funde