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Labor Unions, Unemployment, and Trade and Capital Liberalization
Stevenson-Geide, Doris 세종대학교 국제경제연구소 2000 Journal of Economic Integration Vol.15 No.1
This paper utilizes a specific factor model where rewards to labor and capital and employment are determined by efficient bargaining between entrepreneurs and workers in each sector. Union threat points arise endogenously since workers' outside opportunities in one sector depend on the bargain struck in the other sector. This fully unionized economy will generally be characterized by unemployment and inter-industry wage differentials. Both trade and capital liberalization may lead to an increase in overall employment. (JEL Classifications: F10, F15, f20, J51, J64)
MARK STEVENSON CURRY 이화여자대학교 국제지역연구소 2017 Asian International Studies Review Vol.18 No.2
Extraordinary political transitions in 2016 in two middle-income developing countries, Brazil and the Philippines, may adversely affect efforts to reduce poverty and gender/social inequalities through Conditional Cash Transfers (‘CCTs’). This paper investigates institutional conditions governing CCTs in these two countries and reflects on the potential impacts of policy incursions. The proposition here is that sound developmental programmes can produce broad and compelling within-institution influences as well as causal cross-institution linkages in other domains. New and quickly successful programmes can also be targets for policy assaults and subversions. How resilient are social protection institutions like CCTs to political shocks? Applying Levitsky and Way’s (2015) concept of timing and sequencing in authoritarian regime durability to the question of institutional resilience, this comparative-historical case study aims to examine three issues: the processes traced by CCT evolution that in each case relate to institutional resilience, the factors contributing to policy shocks, and the resilience of CCTs in response to seismic macro-political change. The approach takes varieties of knowledge as a valuable alternative to neoliberal structures of domination and contributes to the important and urgent need to understand social protection institutions as human development resources of variable durability.
Extreme Violence and the Media : Challenges of Reporting Terrorism in Nigeria
Osakue Stevenson OMOERA,Kehinde Oghenekevwe AKE 이화여자대학교 이화인문과학원 2016 탈경계인문학 Vol.9 No.3
Reporting terrorism or extreme violence presents a myriad of challenges and dilemmas to media professionals, information managers, and other state actors who are saddled with the responsibilities of objectively, responsibly, and accurately purveying information to ensure effective development communication in society. By the same token, insurgent or terrorist groups spread their inordinate causes, transmit their messages of radicalisation, and garner support, recognition, and legitimacy from the populace through media channels such as handbills, internet, radio, and film. The paradox, therefore, is that in their informational offerings, the media or media professionals have inadvertently become accomplices or victims/endangered species in terror acts. In spite of this, they are duty-bound to report the events regardless of the consequences on the audience(s). Indeed, it has been argued that the sensational reportage and overly dramatization of the activities of extremists groups in the media further propagates terrorist acts. This article examines media reportage of terrorism occasioned by the activities of Boko Haram terrorist sect(s) in Nigeria and the challenges media professionals are confronted with in the line of duty. Mooring itself on the agenda setting and gate-keeping theories of the media, it uses historical-analytic method to interrogate the complex relationship between the media and Boko Haram terrorists as well as the dangers posed to Nigerian media professionals and the collective security of the Nigerian state and even the neighbouring countries.
MARK STEVENSON CURRY 이화여자대학교 국제통상협력연구소 2014 Asian International Studies Review Vol.15 No.2
Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programs disburse cash grants to targeted recipient families under requirements for education and maternal health. These programs have been widely adopted with international donor assistance since the 1990s. Most CCT research examines program effectiveness at the demand level-the cash provision and compliance outcomes. This paper considers the respective supply-side question of health and education budgeting in Brazil and the Philippines during the relevant period of CCT implementation. The data provide that whereas Brazil has improved such access to services to complement its CCT programs, the Philippines has underinvested in supply-side provision. Brazil thus exhibits an integrated conceptualization of social protection for development. The Philippines exhibits a patchwork scheme for short term goals.
MARK STEVENSON CURRY 이화여자대학교 국제지역연구소 2016 Asian International Studies Review Vol.17 No.2
Historians of colonial-era Java have produced considerable debate about how the Dutch colonial era Cultivation System (1830-1870) brought prosperity to the Netherlands in contrast with the fortunes of Javanese societies under the imposition of mandatory production quotas. Separately, palm oil plantation agriculture in contemporary Indonesia, since the mid-1990s, has sparked a different debate on the state’s power to direct development over biodiversity and the rights and existence of Indigenous People. In comparative-historical analysis, the structures of domination in each era provide useful symmetries: the speed of implementation; the realization of extraordinary profits; the adverse incorporation of local communities; and environmental impacts. However, the enabling conditions that underpinned and sustained both the colonial era Cultivation System and the contemporary palm oil boom remain to be explored and applied to the paired agencies of investment capital and the developmental state. From historical accounts, four enabling conditions emerge: a catalyzing crisis; close control over information flows; maintaining an official monopoly over order and violence; and an official discourse intolerant of dissent or resistance. These symmetries in comparison permit an assessment of the state’s role as an agent for an anti-development double-action: what Harvey calls “Accumulation by Dispossession” and Santos (2007) calls “Epistemicide.”