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        혁명과 법치주의 -1917년 페트로그라드 임시법원(временный суд)을 중심으로-

        박상철 ( Park¸ Sang-chul ) 한국서양사학회 2021 西洋史論 Vol.- No.150

        1917년 2월 혁명이 끝나가던 3월 3일에 새로운 법무장관 케렌스키는 페트로그라드의 치안 판사들에게 새로운 형태의 법원, 즉 치안 판사가 노동자와 병사 대표들과 함께 재판하는 임시법원을 조직하라는 명령 2호를 발표하였다. 이런 조치의 원인과 배경에는 당시 “끓어올랐던 혁명운동”과 함께, “임시정부와 노동자 및 병사대표 소비에트의 상호관계” 이외에 2월 혁명 중에 대중들의 자의적인 행동들을 규제하고 법치를 재확립해야 한다는 케렌스키와 주변 인물들의 신념, 국민의 합리적 판단 능력에 대한 믿음, 그리고 계층 간의 의견 차이를 쉽게 극복할 수 있을 것이라는 낙관적인 전망이 존재하였다. 임시법원 내에는 법치를 옹호하는 유산계층의 대표인 치안판사와, 혁명적 사회변화를 열망하는 하층 주민들을 대변하는 노동자-병사 배석판사 사이에는 갈등과 충돌의 가능성이 존재했다. 따라서 혁명적 분위기가 가라앉으면서 임시법원은 곧 ‘법치주의’에 근거한 비판에 직면하게 되었다. 사회 여론, 특히 법률가 사회의 비판적인 여론 속에서 결국 7월 24일에 ‘임시 시 두마’에서 치안 판사 선거가 이뤄짐에 따라 트로그라드에서 임시법원은 폐지되고 치안 법원이 복원되었다. 이렇듯 임시법원의 등장과 폐지는 ‘혁명’과 ‘법치’의 긴장 관계를 보여준다. 2월 혁명 때 민중들은 ‘혁명’의 이름으로 자신들의 자의적인 활동을 정당화했으며 구체제의 모든 법률을 부정하였다. 이에 케렌스키는 법치를 재확립하기 위해, 즉 민중들을 법치의 영역으로 끌어들이기 위해 그들의 대표를 임시법원에 참여시켰다. 그런데 임시법원, 특히 노동자-병사 배석 판사들은 구체제의 법률이 아니라 ‘양심’, 즉 그들의 상식적인 판단에 따라 판결하였고, 때때로 혁명 이전에 여러 법률로 보호받았던 유산계층의 기득권을 위협하였다. 그 결과 임시법원은 ‘법치’를 내세운, 즉 기존 법률에 근거한 재판을 요구하는 법률가들의 공격을 받았고 결국 계층 간의 갈등이 첨예해지던 상황에서 서둘러 폐지되었다. 달리 말하자면, 임시법원은 구체제의 법률에 대해 민중들이 느꼈던 거리감을 치안 법원의 개편을 통해 극복하려는 케렌스키 등의 낙관적인 시도였지만, ‘법치’를 내세운 법률가들의 공격에 직면하여 실패하였다. 그렇다면 1917년 혁명기에 임시법원을 둘러싼 논쟁에서 ‘양심’(또는 ‘혁명’)과 ‘법치’는 결국 지향해야 할 초계급적인 가치라기보다는, 유산계층과 하층 민중들 사이의 계급투쟁을 함축하고 있는 명분 또는 기치로 전락했으며, 이는 2월 혁명 이후 새로운 러시아 사회가 국민 대다수의 지지를 받을 수 있는 새로운 법치주의를 확립하지 못했음을 의미할 것이다. On March 3, 1917, A. F. Kerensky, the new minister of justice, ordered judges of peace to organize Provisional Courts where they could try with representatives of workers and soldiers. The cause of this measure was not only the revolutionary situation and “the interrelationship between the Provisional Government and Petrograd Soviet, but also Kerensky’s effort to regulate arbitrary actions of masses and re-establish the rule of law, his optimistic view that people had rational judgment ability, and that differences of opinion between classes could be easily overcome. Provisional Courts could have conflicts between judges of peace who advocated the rule of law and worker-soldier judges who represented lower classes. Therefore, Provisional Courts soon faced criticism of lawyers who advocated the ‘rule of law’. On July 24, with the election of judges of peace in a Provisional City Duma, Provisional Court was abolished. As such, the introduction and abolition of provisional courts showed tension between ‘revolution’ and ‘rule of law’. During the February Revolution, people justified their arbitrary activities in the name of “revolution” and denied all laws of the old regime. To reestablish the rule of law, Kerensky enlisted their representatives in Provisional Courts. In other words, Provisional Courts were aware of the optimistic attempt by Kerensky to overcome the distance people felt from old laws. However, the attempt failed in the face of attacks by lawyers who advocated the “rule of law.” Thus, the debate over Provisional Court ‘conscience’ (or ‘revolution’) and ‘rule of law’ is not about superclass’ values to be pursued, but rather a slogan of class struggle. It meant that the new Russian society after the February Revolution failed to establish a new rule of law that would win the support of the majority of the people. (Chonnam National University / sachpak@chonnam.ac.kr)

      • KCI등재후보

        E. P. 톰슨의 알튀세르 비판의 때늦은 현재성

        변상출 ( Byeun¸ Sang-chul ) 동국대학교 영어권문화연구소 2013 영어권문화연구 Vol.6 No.2

        This study aims at examining the current meanings of Edward Palmer Thompson’s criticism of Louis Althusser. Althusser is a marxist philosopher who burst upon Korea in the early 1990s, the period of the crisis of Marxism through the breaking down of real socialism in Eastern Europe and Soviet Union. He was considered a key figure who could secure the transformation of Marxism from the crisis of Marxism through, for example, his key concepts such as ‘relative autonomy’, ‘overdetermination’, ‘ideological state apparatus’, ‘ideological interpellation’, ‘theoretical practice’ which played the important roles in expanding the spectrum of traditional Marxism. Thompson, however, did not embrace and even reject Althusser's concepts. He insists that the idea penetrating every Althusser's concept including ‘theoretical practice’ is the denial of a ‘subject’ as a human ‘agent’, which can be expressed in Althusser's remark on history as “the process without a subject”. For Thompson, Althusser's fatal problem comes not only from the denial of a subject, but also mainly from his theoretical reductionism where everything has resolved within the boundary of ‘theoretical practice’. In this reductionism, Thompson detects “Stalinism reduced to paradigm of theory”. He characterizes it as ‘structuralism of stasis’. In this structuralism, he continues to secure the concepts structuralism denies, such as ‘historicism’, ‘empiricism’, and ‘moralism’. Thompson insists that Althusser confines vivid human life, experience, and morals to the theoretical frameworks so that there is not a ‘blade of human aspiration’, which means the denial of a subject. In his book, The Poverty of Theory, he criticizes bitterly Althusser's exclusion logic of subject in history. In this process, he impliedly emphasizes the return of subject and the dialogue with subject, resulting in the restoration of a ‘blade of human aspiration’ withered by complicate control mechanism. It has been a half generation since the attack of New Liberalism in this country. As Postists vaguely warns, it seems that subjects of substantial discourses has disappeared. The shades of world market system is overwhelming everywhere. Despite the desperate situation, we cannot give up a ‘blade of human aspiration’. Thompson's continuous trials of reviving a subject and a ‘blade of human aspiration’ stand for his nowness in the present.

      • KCI등재

        포스트담론 이후 ‘청산’과 ‘지양’의 문제 : ‘총체성’과 ‘사물화’ 담론을 중심으로

        변상출 ( Byeun¸ Sang-chul ) 동국대학교 영어권문화연구소 2020 영어권문화연구 Vol.13 No.1

        The purpose of this paper is to explore alternative theories after post-discourse. In the West, postmodernism has been in full swing since the Revolution of 1968. It was both an expression of new sensibility and a criticism of Logocentrism and rationalism. The postmodernism, which began with the revolution in 1968, opposes the universalism centered on reason, and expresses a variety of sensibilities and desires. These include sex, religion, race, culture, art, etc. In short, postmodernism put multiplicity and pluralism as its first value. But the global economy is also more polarized after the postdiscourse. After the grand discourse of Marxist materialism attacked by post-discourse disappeared, individuals are losing their freedom, not enjoying more freedom in the place. The governing methods of global capitalism in the 21st century are more subtle and thorough. Now it seems necessary to bring the concept of totality and objectification into people's memories. Of course, this evocation is based on the concept of dialectical Aufhebung. The significance of this paper is to bring back the concept of ‘Verdinglichung’ and ‘Totalität’ that has been forgotten from our consciousness into the field of the problem.

      • Integrating Rhetorical Criticism into Business Communication as an Interdisciplinary Approach

        Sangchul Lee 한국경영커뮤니케이션학회 2019 Business Communication Research and Practice Vol.2 No.1

        Objectives:The purpose of this paper is to suggest integrating rhetorical analysis and criticism into business communication research and pedagogy. Rhetorical analysis and criticism on public addresses of business leaders can provide important insights into the political and social issues of the community and the economic impact of the participants. Such an analysis would contribute to the development of communication scholarship taking place at the intersection of business communication, rhetoric, and society. Methods:This paper reviews articles on the rhetoric of business leaders published in business communication journals (e.g., Journal of Business Communication, Business and Professional Communication Quarterly, Management Communication Quarterly, Journal of Business and Technical Communication, Technical Communication Quarterly). It examines the purpose of rhetorical criticism in business communication and discusses popular criticism methods. Among the various perspectives on rhetorical criticism in the field of speech communication, this stduy discusses three commonly adopted methods – Neo-Aristotelian criticism, Genre Criticism, and Narrative criticism. Results:Studies on the rhetorical criticism of speeches of business leaders are not systematically integrated into business communication education and research. Rhetorical critics of speech communication are more interested in public speeches by prominent politicians or social leaders, while business communication scholars are more concerned with rhetorical theory and pedagogy. Conclusions:Integrating rhetorical criticism into business communication as an interdisciplinary approach infuses a new approach that goes beyond the domains of contemporary research and pedagogy. Integrating rhetorical criticism into business communication not only improves the quality of discourse in business society but also tests and modifies both the theory and practice of corporate rhetoric.

      • SCIESCOPUSKCI등재

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