Growth and morphological characteristics of pinus rigida miller and its hybrids crossed with sourthern pine in Korea

Sang Don Han(韓相敦),Don Koo Lee(李敦求),Sang Yung Shim(沈相榮),Sung Ho Hong(洪性昊),Sung In Shon(孫聖仁) 한국육종학회 1990 한국육종학회지 Vol.22 No.2

Interspecific hybrids between pitch pine and some southern pines were examined on their growth and morphological characteristics. The hybrid pines included in this study were Pinus rigida×P. taeda F₁, P. rigida×P. elliottii F₁, and P. rigida×P. echinata F₁, P. rigida×P. radiata F₁ and P. rigida×P. serotina F₁, which have been grown for more than 15-year-old. P. rigida×P. taeda F₁ showed the best growth in height, diameter, mean tree volume and stand volume per hectare among all hybrid pines at all 8 locations throughout the nation. The next best hybrid pines were P. rigida×P, elliottii F₁ and P. rigida×P. serotina F₁. However, P. rigida×P. radiatea F₁. and P. rigida×P. echinata F₁ rather grew poorer than pitch pine. Growth patterns of the hybrid pines were also compared among four different locations. In Daeduck, Chungnam and Wanju, Chonbuk, hybrid pines did not show and growth retardation after 20 years. Some morphological characteristics such as, bark thickness, the number of epicormic sprout, and various needle characteristics were significantly different among hybrid pine species. The fast growing P. rigida×P. taeda F₁ had the longest needle, thinnest bark, fewest epicormic sprout and the most straight stem. The greatest nubmer of stomata per 1㎟ was shown by P. rigida×P. taeda F₁, and followed by P. rigida×P. serotina F₁, P. rigida×P. elliottii F₁, P. rigida×P. radiata F₁ and P. rigida×P. eachinata F₁ in descending order.

서하 천성율령의 爲不道

한상돈(Han, Sang-Don) 한국법사학회 2013 法史學硏究 Vol.47 No.-

중국 사서에서 ‘西夏’라 일컫는 ‘大夏’는 1038년부터 지금의 중국 서북부 지역에서 190년간 존속하였던 왕조인데, <천성율령>이라는 독자적인 법전이 있었다. <천성율령>은 1461개조로 되어있으며 그 중 십악죄는 39개조로 이루어졌다. 十惡 중의 하나인 ‘위부도’는 사회질서를 심각하게 어지럽히는 행위들을 ‘부도로 삼아(爲不道)’ 처벌하는 것이다. <천성율령>의 ‘위부도’는 제19조부터 제24조까지 6개 조문을 두어 당ㆍ송률 보다 훨씬 세분화되고 정밀하게 규범하고 있다. 예컨대, ① 한 집안의 무죄자 세 사람을 살인하는 경우, ② 한 집안의 한두 사람을 살인하여 후손을 잇지 못하게 한 경우, ③ 고의모살 중 독극물을 투여한 경우, ④ 살해시 수족 및 사지를 절단한 경우, ⑤ 불에 태워 살인한 경우 등등은 ‘위부도’로 처벌하였다. 또한 ‘고의’는 고의상해와 고의살인으로 구분하였다. 고의상해는 서민의 고의상해와 관리의 고의상해로 나누었는데, 서민이 관리를 상해할 造意만 품어도 징역12년형에 처했으며 황족인 及授官 이상의 관리를 상해할 조의를 하면 최고형인 검참에 처하였다. 반면에 어떠한 관품에 있든지 관리가 서민을 상해 하면 징역8년에 처할 뿐이었다. 고의살인인 경우에도 서민의 고의살인과 관리의 고의살인으로 구분하였다. 서민의 고의살인은 서민끼리 살해한 경우와 서민이 관리를 살해한 경우로 나누었는 데, 각각의 경우를 다시 세분하여 처벌하였다. 관리 역시 관리끼리 서로 살해한 경우와 관리가 서민을 살해한 경우로 구별하였는데, 각각의 경우에 따라 처벌을 달리하였다. 가령, 직위가 높은 관리가 낮은 관리를 살해하면 그 최저형인 무기징역에 처하였고, 형사책임의 경중에 따라 교살혹은 검참까지도 집행하였다. 及御印에서 拒邪에 이르는 관리가 자기보다 직급이 낮은 관리 세 사람을 살해하면 검참형에 처하고 그 가족은 연좌해서 노비가 되게 하였다. The Xixia Dynasty (also known as the Western Xia Dynasty, hereinafter “Xixia”) is an ancient Chinese dynasty that existed over 190 years from 1038 AD in the northwestern region of China. Xixia had its own code of laws called the Tiansheng Code of Laws (Tianshengluling in Chinese, hereinafter the “Tiansheng Code” or the “Code”), which consists of 1,461 provisions. Out of these provisions, 39 provisions deal with the so-called “Ten Deadly Sins.” Among the Ten Deadly Sins, the sin of Weibudao is designed to punish those immoral acts that seriously disturb the social order. Under the Tiansheng Code, there are six provisions (Articles 19 through 24) that specifically deal with the sin of Weibudao. Compared to the Codes of Tang and Song Dynasties, these provisions are far more detailed and specific. For example, the following acts were punished as Weibudao pursuant to the Tiansheng Code : (i) act of murdering three innocent persons in a single household; (ii) act of murdering one or two person(s) in a single household that disables such household to have any descendants; (iii) act of premeditated murder by way of injecting poisonous substance; (iv) torso murder or murder by severing hands and feet; and (v) murder by arson. The Code also distinguished intentional murder and intentional injury. The crime of intentional injury is further divided into intentional injury by an ordinary person and intentional injury by an official. If an ordinary person has an intent to injure an official, such person will be sentenced to 12 years in prison. If an ordinary person has an intent to injure an official who is a member of the imperial family, such person will be punished by decapitation, the maximum penalty under the Code. In contrast, if an fficial injures an ordinary person, such official will only be sentenced to 8 years in prison. Even in the cases of intentional murder, the Code had different penalties for officials and ordinary people. As for the intentional murder by ordinary people, the Code provided different sets of punishment for murder between ordinary persons and murder of official by an ordinary person. The Code further distinguished the murder by officials and provided different sets of punishment. For instance, if a higher ranking official murders a lower ranking official, the senior official will be sentenced to life in prison, the lowest penalty for the sin. In addition, if a higher ranking official murders three lower ranking officials, such senior official will be punished by decapitation, while his family will be jointly punished as slaves.

중세 몽골의 칭기스칸 법전 연구

한상돈(Han, Sang Don) 한국법사학회 2014 法史學硏究 Vol.50 No.-

12세기 말부터 테무진은 부족을 통합하기 시작하여 13세기 초에는 몽골을 통일하고 칭기스칸으로 즉위한다. 이 때 ‘칭기스칸 法典’을 반포하는데, 현존하지 않는다. 일부 서양학자들은 史料에 흩어져있는 법률 條文들을 모아 법전을 복원하였다. 중국은 2007년에 65개 조문을 모아 ‘칭기스칸 법전’을 재구성을 한 연구성과를 내놓았다. ‘칭기스칸 법전’ 중에서 軍事에 관련된 법조문을 고찰해 보면, 몽골인들의 전통적인 ‘요순(yuson)’과 관습법이 칭기스칸 법전의 주요 法源이라는 것을 알 수 있다. 몽골제국의 군대조직은 사회조직이기도 하였는데 十進制를 실시하였다. 十夫, 百夫, 千夫, 萬夫로 조직하였고, 책임자에게는 큰 권한을 부여하였다. 몽골인들은 평상시에는 사냥을 하였는데, 군사훈련하는 것처럼 하였다. 사냥의 목표물을 놓치면 법에 의해 지휘관을 처벌하였다. 적군의 상황을 파악하지 못하면 공격하지 않았다. 특정한 장소로 집결할 때는 시간을 정확하게 지켜야 했다. 전쟁이 일어나면 각 개인은 노소 귀천을 막론하고 모두 참전해야 하는 의무가 있었다. 이러한 군사관련 법규범이 몽골제국을 강력하게 하였다. 칭기스칸 법전의 法典체제나 입법기술은 빈약하지만, 그 법규범은 매우 실제적이고 실용적이었다. 군사관련 법규범이 결국은 거대한 영토를 정복할 수 있는 원동력이 되었던 것이다. In the late 12th century, Temugin has begun to unite the tribes in northeast Asia and, by the early 13th century, he has unified the region and came to power as Genghis Khan of the Mongol Empire. At that time, he promulgated the Genghis Khan’s Code of Laws, also known as the Yassa, which was kept secret and no longer exists. Some of western scholars have collected the scattered articles of the laws and restored the Code. In 2007, the Genghis Khan’s Code was reorganized by China with 65 articles of laws. In this article, the author analyses the provisions of the Code relating to the military affairs. The author further examines the reason why the Mongol Empire was able to conquer the world. The Mongolian traditional “yuson” and the customary law are the main source of the Genghis Khan’s Code. The military organization of the Mongol Empire was also a social organization. It was constructed with the ten-household, hundred-household, thousand-household and ten-thousand-household heads. The Great Mongolia adopted a military training system on the basis of hunting. During the hunting, it should be organized as in the battle, and the commander should be appointed to conduct the hunting unitedly. If a war requires, all people, no matter old or young, rich or poor, should have the obligations to join the army and fight against enemies. Civilians were compulsory to bear goods materials of warfare. A wife should take good care of the household duties while her husband went to the war or went hunting, and bear the obligation of penal service instead of her husband. Although the codification system and legislation technique of the Genghis Khan’s Code were still far from perfection, the legal norm of the ancient Mongolian had realistic and practical characteristics. The related articles in the Genghis Khan’s Code let the Mogol Empire to be a mighty country, finally they can conquer the huge territory. The author concludes that the military-related provisions under the Code has strengthened the Mongol Empire, thereby providing the country with a driving force to conquer the large territory.

《大明律》 保辜限期에 관한 硏究

한상돈(Han, Sang Don),조지만(Cho, Jiman) 한국법사학회 2015 法史學硏究 Vol.51 No.-

이 글에서는 《大明律》 保辜限期 제도를 다양한 측면에서 살펴보았다. 보고한기 제도는 가해자의 폭행 또는 상해로 인하여 피해자가 상처를 입고 그로 인하여 일정한 기한 이내에 사망한 경우 가해자에게 피해자의 사망에 대한 책임을 묻는 제도이다. 일정한 기한이 지나기 전에 가해자가 최선을 다해 치료를 하여 피해자가 사망하지 않으면 가해자에게 사망에 대한 책임을 묻지 않는다. 이러한 측면에서 회복적 사법의 사상이 스며들어 있음을 부정할 수 없다. 그러나 보고한기 제도는 처벌을 확정하려는 것에 중점이 있는 것이기 때문에 회복적 사법의 사상이 전면적으로 드러나 있다고 보기에는 무리가 있다. 또한 조선시대의 보고한기와 관련된 사례들들 분류하여 살펴본 결과 조선시대에는 이러한 회복적 사법의 측면보다는 처벌을 확정하는데 보다 중점이 두어졌던 것으로 보인다. 또 법적용이라는 측면에서 볼 때 조선시대 보고한기를 통한 형의 확정은 적정형을 어떻게 부과 하느냐에 중점을 두고 있었다고 생각된다. This paper analyzes the Period of Responsibility for Crimes in various respects. If the victim of a physical attack dies from a direct result of the injury within the Period of Responsibility for Crimes, the offender shall be punished on the basis of killing in affrays. The offender, however, shall not be responsible for the victim’s death if the victim was alive during the Period of Responsibility for Crimes with the help of the offender’s care. Though the Period of Responsibility for Crimes is to decide whether the offender is responsible for the victim’s death, the Period of Responsibility for Crimes reflects the restorative justice in this sense. In the Joseon dynasty, the Period of Responsibility for Crimes was also considered in criminal cases to mete out the appropriate punishment to the offender rather than to dispense the restorative justice.

서하 〈천성율령〉의 형법체계

한상돈(Han Sang-Don) 한국법학원 2008 저스티스 Vol.- No.108

서하(西夏)는 오늘날 중국의 서북부지역에 190년간 존속하였던 소수민족 왕조이다. 서하는 인종(仁宗) 천성(天盛) 시기(1149-1169)에 〈천성율령(天盛律令)〉을 새로 편찬하였다. 이 법전은 20권 150문 1461개조로 되어있다. <천성율령〉의 입법체계는 조문의 위치를 통일적으로 배열하여 일목요연하다. 동아시아의 어느 왕조보다도 발전된 법전이다. 법규범에 있어서 몇가지 특징이 있다. 즉, 형벌에 있어서 비교적 관대하게 처벌한 경우가 많다. 십악죄의 경우, 황실을 보호하고 사회기강을 바로 잡는 가장 중시되는 죄명이었기 때문에 중국 역대 왕조에서는 그 형벌이 매우 엄하였으나 서하 왕조는 형벌을 가볍게 하였다. 국가기강과 사회경제질서를 바로 잡으려는 의지가 형법에 반영되었다. 재물을 탐하거나 뇌물을 받는 관리(官吏)를 엄벌하여 사법정의를 구현하려 하였다. 또한 토지가 척박한 국정(國情)을 감안하여 소, 낙타, 말 등을 중시하여 1마리라도 도살하면 최저 징역 4년형에 처할 수 있도록 하였다. 형별원칙이 현대형법 못지않게 합리적으로 잘 확립되었다. 가령 공범에 있어서 주범과 종범에 차이를 두고 처벌한 것이라든지, 노인이나 미성년자 등은 그 형사책임을 나이에 따라 구분하여 감형하였다. 형벌을 다양화, 유형화시킴으로써 보다 유연하게 국가형벌권을 사용할 수 있도록 하였다. 또한 서하는 징역형을 단기, 장기, 무기징역으로 세분하였다. 최소 3개월부터 무기징역까지 13등급으로 형벌의 폭을 넓힘으로써 사법재량이 전혀 없었던 전통사회의 한계를 극복할 수 있었다. 〈천성율령〉은 그 어느 법전보다 형법체계가 앞서 있다. Xixia, located in the northwest part of today's China, was a minority ethnic group kingdomwhich lasted for 190 years. During the emperor Renzong's Tiansheng period (1149-1169), Xixia newly introduced a code called 'Tiansheng Lu Ling'. This code is comprised of 20 volumes, 150 chapters, and 1461 articles. The legislative system of 'Tiansheng Lu Ling' is clear at a glance due to its unified arrangements of the provisions. The code, comparing with any other codes in East Asian kingdoms, is the mostly developed code ever. It has unique features in its legal norm which has relatively tolerant punishments. For the ten most evil sins, which were the most important sins for protection of the imperial household and for tightening disciplines in the society, most kingdoms in China had rigorous punishments while Xixia had slighter punishments. The spirit of correcting the socioeconomic order and tightening national disciplines was reflectedin the criminal law. The code tried to promote justice by rigorously punishing corrupt officials. In addition, taking lack of land into account and valuing animals like cattle, camels, and horses, the code punished slaughtering one of those animals by imprisonment of minimum4 years. The code also establishedreasonable criminal law principles. For instance, the code distinguished principal offenders from accessories in accomplice crimes with respect to the punishment, and reduced the punishment according to age difference in order to protect elders and minors. Moreover, the code further diversified and categorized punishment to enable the use of the state punishment power. Xixia subdivided imprisonment into short-term, long-term, and life imprisonment. It also broadened the scope of punishment by setting 13 different degrees of punishment, from minimum of 3 months to life imprisonment, thereby overcoming the limits of the traditional society with no judicial discretion. In conclusion, 'Tiansheng Lu Ling' has the most developed criminal law system than any other codes.

중국 사회주의법치의 발전과 과제

한상돈(Han, Sang-Don) 한국법학원 2017 저스티스 Vol.- No.158-3

1949년 중화인민공화국 초기에 사회주의법제가 형성되기 시작하였다. 그러나 1966년부터 10년 동안의 문화대혁명 시기에는 법제가 쇠퇴하고 파괴되었다. 1978년12월 개혁개방이 선언되었고, ‘법제건설이 곧 경제건설’이라는 구호 아래 법제가 다시 형성되어갔다. 중국경제가 성장하면서 경제체제는 계획경제에서 시장경제로 전환되기 시작하였다. 1993년는 헌법개정을 통해서 ‘국가는 사회주의시장경제를 실행한다’는 규정을 신설하였다. 사회주의 시장경제체제 아래 중국의 법제는 발전하였다. 또한 ‘법치’를 실행하는 것이 점점 중요하게 되었다. 1999년 헌법개정을 개정하여 ‘중화인민공화국은 의법치국을 실행하고, 사회주의법치국가를 건설한다’를 신설하였다. 이때부터 중국은 ‘법제노선’에서 ‘법치노선’으로 바뀌었고, 모든 국가기관은 ‘의법행정’을 추진하게 되었다. 2012년, 중국공산당 전국대표대회에서 ‘법에 의한 치국의 전면적인 추진’이 결의되었다. 이에 근거하여 대대적인 법제개혁이 진행되었다. 2015년에는 ‘법치정부 건설’이 제기되어, 중국은 보다 구체적으로 ‘법치’를 실현해나가고 있다. ‘위로부터 아래로’ 실시되는 법치는 한계가 있으므로, 국민들의 참여를 확대하여야 한다. 법치가 중국사회에 정착될 수 있도록 국민의 법의식이 바뀌어야 한다. 또한 법치의 생태계가 조성되어 새로운 법치문화가 형성되어야 한다. 이런 것들이 곧 중국이 법치를 심화하면서 풀어야 할 과제라고 할 수 있다. The form of socialist legal system began in 1949 at the beginning of the People’s Republic of China. But over a decade of Cultural Revolution from 1966, the legislative system was decayed and destroyed. The reform and opening policy of China was declared on December 1978 and under the slogan of “The construction of legislative system is the construction of economy” the formation of legislative system started once again. Through the growth of China’s economy, the economic structure that was ‘planned economy’ began to divert to ‘market economy’. The constitutional reform in 1993 established the code of “The State practices socialist market economy”. The China’s legislation was developed under the circumstances of socialist market economy system. And it became increasingly important to carry out ‘rule of law’. In 1999,the constitutional reform established “The People’s Republic of China governs the country according to law and makes it a socialist country under rule of law”. Henceforth, China changed its course from ‘Legislation’ to ‘Rule of Law’ and all national administrations promoted “administering by law”. In year 2012, The National People’s Congress of Communist party resolved ‘comprehensive promotion of the rule of law’. On the base of this, extensive reform of legal system was taken place. And in 2015, ‘construction of government under law’ was brought up and currently China is actualizing the ‘rule of law’ more specifically. The execution of ‘rule of law’ from high class to bottom class is limited; hence it requires the expansion of participation of its people. In order to settle ‘rule of law’ into Chinese society, people have to change their legal mind. Furthermore, rule of law must have its own to create new culture of rule of law. These are the tasks to be handled as China intensifies the rule of law

들쭉나무 격리잔존 2개 집단의 유전변이

한상돈 ( Sang Don Han ),홍용표 ( Yong Pyo Hong ),권해연 ( Hae Yun Kwon ),양병훈 ( Byeung Hoon Yang ),김찬수 ( Chan Soo Kim ) 한국산림과학회 2005 한국산림과학회지 Vol.94 No.4

제6회 한,중 형법 국제 학술심포지움 : 한,중 소년법제의 발전 비교연구

한상돈 ( Sang Don Han ) 한국비교형사법학회 2008 비교형사법연구 Vol.10 No.2

물푸레나무속 수형목의 (秀型木) 수심에 의한 지조맹아 (枝條萌芽) 발생력과 이를 이용한 녹지삽목 (綠枝揷木) 증식시험

한상돈(Sang Don Han),홍성호(Sung Ho Hong),민영택(Young Taek Min),김영모(Young Mo Kim),김홍은(Hong Eun Kim) 한국산림과학회 1994 한국산림과학회지 Vol.83 No.2

As a vegetative propagation method for ash species, which is a dioecism and a long cycle of fructification, cut-stem was soaked in water to induce adventitious sprouts, and 2-year-old ash seedling was cut in a nursery to induce adventitious sprouts. We obtained the 1,019 adventitious sprouts from branches of 101 plus trees througout the country. The mean octet-age is 48. There is not a correlation between octet ages and production of adventitious sprouts. These sprouts were placed in a cutting bed for rooting. Root ability varied with environmental factors of cuttings. The best rooting(87%) resulted from cutting performed in a vinyl-plastic greenhouse. Rooting was better on perlite+peat moss(2 : 1) medium than other media tested. The rooting ability was generally higher in 2-year-old octet than plus tree octet . In the root development of cuttings the non-container cuttings was better than container cuttings.

중국 농촌의 유수(留守)소년 문제와 대책

한상돈 ( Han Sang-don ) 한국소년정책학회 2013 少年保護硏究 Vol.21 No.-

After implementation of the reform and opening policy in 1979, China's industry structure has been gradually reorganized along with its continuos economic growth. As the rural labor flows into the urban areas, the left-behind juveniles are emerging as a major problem. The left-behind juveniles are those juveniles who are unable to live with either one of or both parents because the parent(s) moved to work in the urban areas. The rural left-behind juveniles are concentrated in the central and southern provinces of China, and over 50% of them are residing in 6 provinces, including Sichuan, Anhui, Henan, Guangdong, Hunan, and Jiangxi. There are 58 million rural left-behind juvenile nationally, and approximately 40 million among them are under 14. Statistically, 1 out of 4 juveniles in rural area is a left-behind juvenile. With regards to the types of family for these juveniles, there are 7 different types of family, including the situations where the juvenile lives (i) with a single parent (either mother or father); (ii) with a single parent and grandparents; or (iii) with relatives or family friends. Among all these different family types, the type of living with grandparents consists 25.56%, while the type of living with a single mother consists 22.66%. These two types of family constitute almost half of the overall family types. Due to family background and influence of friends, the rural left-behind juveniles are vulnerable to becoming delinquent juveniles. In addition, there are many electronic game rooms, internet cafes, and illegal book street vendors around schools that are becoming temptations to these juveniles. In China, many of the violations and crimes committed against or by juveniles happen in the rural areas, and most of such juveniles are left-behind juveniles. Most of the left-juvenile crimes tend to be committed accidentally and collectively. China is in the process of providing multi-dimensional measures to solve the social problems caused by the rural left-behind juveniles. Each level of the government is making efforts to improve the household registration and education systems and promote a good social environment in order to help the left-behind juveniles' healthy growth. Moreover, private social organizations are also providing care and guidance to the left-behind juveniles. The rural left-behind juvenile problems in China are closely associated with these juveniles' parents. Therefore, the author proposes that sincere attention and effective measures for the left-behind juveniles should be continuously being provided, while solving the migrant worker problems at the same time.