THE MOST COMMON PROBLEMS IN KOREAN­SERBOCROATIAN

Piper, Predrag 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 동유럽·발칸연구소 1999 동유럽발칸연구 Vol.7 No.-

Labor Migration, Trafficking and International Marriage : Female Cross-Border Movements into Japan

Piper, Nicola Ewha Womans University Press 1999 Asian Journal of Women's Studies(AJWS) Vol.5 No.2

Despite the fact that the phenomenon of labor migration has always involved the active participation of independent women, conventional migration studies have typically ignored gender-specific analyses. This is related to prevailing definitions of labor and the nature of women's work in general, as well as to globally restrictive immigration policies. Current experiences of female immigration-particularly from Asia, the biggest exporter of female labor-are characterized by the overwhelming presence of women migrants in the sex sector, in domestic labor and in the commercial marriage market. This paper draws on the author's previous research on international labor migration and international marriage. It contributes a viewpoint on labor migration by introducing a gender-specific analysis that goes beyond conventional definitions of labor by including in the discussion the issue of an international marriage market and trafficking in women, set within the broader context of a gendered political economy and a global patriarchal system. The paper argues for the abandonment of the strict distinction between voluntary labor migration and trafficking in women. A more flexible approach in immigration policies is needed to cater for the complex situations of female migrants and to protect their human rights.

남슬라브어계의 친족어인 슬로베니아어와 세르보크로아티아어 문법체계상의 특성 대비

Piper, Predrag 한국외국어대학교 1996 한국외국어대학교 논문집 Vol.29 No.1

Conformal Coatings of Cyclized-PAN for Mechanically Resilient Si nano-Composite Anodes

Piper, Daniela Molina,Yersak, Thomas A.,Son, Seoung-Bum,Kim, Seul Cham,Kang, Chan Soon,Oh, Kyu Hwan,Ban, Chunmei,Dillon, Anne C.,Lee, Se-Hee Wiley Blackwell (John Wiley Sons) 2013 ADVANCED ENERGY MATERIALS Vol.3 No.6

Duodenal Ulcer Triple Therapy : For Eradication of Helicobacter pylori

Piper,Douglas,Lee,Adrian Medical Publications Korea 1993 Medical Progress Vol.15 No.4

Drugs for the Prevention of Peptic Ulcer Recurrence

Piper, D.W. Medical Publications Korea 1985 Medical Progress Vol.7 No.3

슬라브어 대조문법의 기능적 모델

Piper, Predrag 한국외국어대학교 1995 한국외국어대학교 논문집 Vol.28 No.1

2002년 미국의 방위구상과 군의 변혁

Piper, W.Stephen 한국전략문제연구소 2002 전략연구 Vol.9 No.3

September 11 has focused U.S. security interests for our time, much as December 7 did two generations ago. The renewed focused on security relationships did not begin on September 11, 2001. The Bush Administrations security agenda was outlined in September 1999. Since September 11 the pace of consultation abroad and transformation at home has accelerated. At the dawn the 21st Century, we have the challenge of dealing with new actors on the world stage both state and non-state forces. How the industrial democracies deal with these emergent forces is likely to define the history of the 21st Century. The United States has a lead position among the industrial democracies, but must adjust its approach, capabilities, and activities to deal with the new realities of our world security. The industrial democracies are not only independent nations, but also most importantly interdependent nations. Our strength and security are the greater because of our partners. This paper examines the evolution of the Bush Administration's Asia policy from before he took office through the aftermath of September 11. The September 11 attack has had a significant impact on the U.S. defense posture, including missile defense, homeland security, and force transformation and also on the willingness of the American public and Congress to pursue a more focused, forceful security and foreign policy. We also consider budgetary issues in the heightened security environment. Then in conclusion, we address the implications for the U.S.-ROK security alliance. Three themes run through this paper: ■ The Bush Administrations assessment of security threats and approach to defense transformation, articulated in 1999, well pre-dated September 11. ■ The September 11 attacks and subsequent response are tragic confirmation of the earlier statements that the security threats of the 21st century will be broader, more varied, less predictable than those of the 20th century. Addressing these so-called asymmetric threats requires a major restructuring, reorganization of military forces. ■ The September 11 attacks did not change the direction of defense transformation, but rather provided the political and budget support to accelerate it. The Bush Administration came to office facing great challenges in foreign and security policy. In the wake of the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the demise of the Soviet Union, there was serious indecision as to the appropriate future U.S. military role in world affairs, and as to the most appropriate types of forces and equipment. The 1997 National Defense Panel (NDP) stressed the importance of transformation of the military and the need to reduce funding for legacy system; in order to provide new capabilities to confront anticipated asymmetrical threats. The Congress and the Clinton Administration did not make the hard decisions called for by the National Defense Panel. On the Korean Peninsula, the Clinton Administration welcomed the Sunshine Policy of Korean President Kim Dae Jung, but then interfered with President Kims bold initiative by seeking direct Washington-Pyongyang dialogue. President Bush and his foreign and security policy teams are much focused on Asia and its so-called crescent of concern from the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan Straits down through the Philippines and Indonesia, stretching eastward to the India-Pakistan confrontation, Iran, and Iraq. While strongly asserting U.S. interests President Bush and his security policy team reach out for effective consultation with allies and friends. 1. Defense Transformation To the surprise of many in Washington, President Bush did not add large amounts to the DoD budget in early 2001, insisting instead on an intense review of requirements before making funding proposals. His initial defense budget proposed a $20 billion budget increase in Mense R&D between 2002 and 2006. In addition, he reaffirmed his intention to deploy a national missile defense system as soon as possible. Ironically, many Congressional Democrats joined conservative Republicans in faulting President Bush for not adding substantial funds for Mense Department for both FY01 and FY02. A major theme of the 2001 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR), released September 30, 2001, is the need to transform the U.S. military for the challenges of the 21st century. Secretary The QDR, however, provided only limited guidance about the ways in which the new strategy would affect the defense program. 2 Ballistic Missile Defense An Early Policy Success The Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) program provides a good case study in Bush Administration defense policy development and execution. The Clinton Administration limited the effectiveness of BMD R&D programs by proscribing R&D efforts that came too close to the prohibitions of the ABM Treaty. This situation was not acceptable to George W. Bush. In meeting with Russian President Putin in July 2001, President Bush described the ABM Treaty as an outmoded relic of the Cold War, and urged that the United States and Russia move forward to a era of trust and friendship, with a significantly reduced inventory of nuclear weapons, while providing defense for ourselves, and allies and friends against ballistic missiles threats from rogue states. Since 1983 there have been a total of 41 tests of hit-to-kill (HTK) intercept against ballistic missiles. In 25 of these 41 tests, the interceptor missile has entered the end-game, the stage where the kill vehicle seeks to detect and hit the threat missile. Of these 25 endgame engagements, 22 (88%) have been successful. 3. Homeland Defense In the weeks following September 11, President Bush created the Office of Homeland Security. In the months following, the Government has strengthened aviation and border security, stockpiled more medicines to defend against bio-terrorism, sought to improve information sharing among the intelligence agencies, and deployed resources and personnel to protect critical infrastructure. In May, it was announced that the White House Office of Homeland Security would be enlarged and elevated to Cabinet status. The main criticism of this provision is that it is much too broad and vague a platform on which to operate. 4. Defense Budget The FY03 Defense Budget request specified priorities reflective of both President Bush's original design for defense and the post-September 11 situation. He has sought to transform the military in terms of operations and in equipment design and procurement. The FY 2003 budget request includes a $5.5 billion increase in R&D funding. which is now roughly 25 percent, inflation-adjusted, more than in FY 2001. illustrative of the fact that technology development has a very large global/commercial element is the fact that, in 1965, DoDs S&T investment was about 25% of the Free Worlds 5&T funding. but now is on the order of 5%. 5. Implications for the ROK-US Security Alliance The ROK-US Security Alliance remains strong. The Bush Administration seeks consensus and understanding with Seoul on issues of mutual security interest, namely countering North Korean belligerence, containing terrorism in Asia and abroad, and seeking tentative multilateral solutions to regional security questions. As the United States forges ahead in its fight against global terrorism, it recognizes the contributions that Korea and the Korean military have made on behalf of the United States and good world order. Despite the strong alliance, there are scenarios that may be destabilizing in Northeast Asia and potentially threaten the ROK-US security alliance: heightened Japanese defense posture; collapse of DPRK regime; role of China. Our two governments and our two militaries have worked closely together in the past, and are working closely together now and, I believe, will in the future. But what are the implications, influences of the Bush policies, defense transformation and budget priorities, and US. ballistic missile defense emphasis have for the ROK-US security relationship. First, we should be moving toward a more robust multilateral dialogue on Northeast Asian security. The Republic of Korea should be a full partner in this, as should Japan. We need to stand together, not against any nation, but for secure, peaceful relations throughout the region which most importantly includes China, the DPRK, and Russia. The US. transformation focus needs to be filtered in its application to ROK forces. Some of the lightness, quick responsive deployability qualities needed for US. forces facing worldwide potential threats are not needed in the defensive security scenario on the Peninsula. But the information technology aspects of transformation would strengthen the capability and effectiveness of Korean forces. Thus, U.S. transformation concepts and capabilities should be studied, and adapted as appropriate.

Pathogenesis of Chronic Peptic Ulcer : Current Thinking and Clinical Implications

Piper, D.W.,Stiel, D. Medical Publications Korea 1986 Medical Progress Vol.8 No.10

세르비아어의 소복수형(paucal)과 수량소유격 연구

Predrag Piper 한국동유럽발칸학회 2001 동유럽발칸학 Vol.3 No.1

The main subject of this work is the morphological and syntactic features and grammatical status of the nominal and adjectival forms expressing non-singularity in the constructions with the number '2', '3', '4'. These forms have been most frequently called genitive (historically - nominative dual) by traditional Serbian grammar while, outside Serbian linguistics, also called paucal or little plural among others. The present work provides the arguments that the forms in question are those of a separate grammatical status, which in turn can justify the validity of being named paucal. In connection to this, the author also examines the status of the quantitative genitive plural, functionally similar to the neuter paucal, and of syntactic constructions with the quantificator pola.