극소 저체중 출생아의 발생빈도 및 근 치료 성적

강순애,오연균 圓光大學校 醫科學硏究所 2008 圓光醫科學 Vol.23 No.2

목적: 신생아 집중치료의 발달로 국내 3 차 대형병원에서는 극소 저체중 출생아 뿐만 아니라 초극소 저체중 출생아에서도 괄목 할만한 생존율의 향상을 보이고 있다. 따라서 본원에서의 극소 저체중 출생아의 빈도, 생존율, 이환율 등 집중치료 결과를 비교 분석 해보고 더욱 향상된 치료가 될 수 있도록 도움을 얻고자 본 연구를 시행하였다. 방법: 2000년 1월부터 2006년 12월까지 만 7년까지 원광대학교 병원 신생아 집중치료실에 입원한 1,500g 미만의 극소 저출생 체중아 205명을 대상으로 의무기록을 조사하여 후향적으로 결과를 분석하였다. 결과: 극소 저출생 체중아의 발생빈도는 4.2%였다. 생존율은 75.0%로 타병원의 80% 이상의 높은 생존율에 비해 다소 낮았다. 1,250g 이상은 92.6%로 타병원과 비슷한 높은 생존율을 보였으나 750g 미만은 18.2%로 낮은 생존율을 보였다. 29주 이상은 80% 이상의 높은 생존율을 보였으나 25-26주는 38.9%로 낮았으며 24주 이하는 한명도 생존하지 못하였다. 주요 합병증은 호흡곤란 증후군이 75.0%로 가장 많았으며, 뇌출혈 31.7%, 동맥관 개존증 29.3%, 미숙아 망막증 28.8%, 패혈증 27.3%, 만성폐질환 23.4%의 순이었다. 사망 시기는 3일 이내가 47.1%로 가장 많았고 7일 이내에 2/3 이상인 70.6%가 사망하였다. 주 사망 원인은 생후 3일 이내에는 호흡곤란 증후군(23.5%), 생후 4-7일에는 폐출혈(9.8%), 생후 8-27일에는 패혈증(16.7%) 이었다. 평균 입원 기간은 57.7±26.0일 이었다. 결론: 최근 극소 저체중 출생아 특히 초극소 저체중 출생아의 증가를 보이고 있는 시점에서 시행된 본 연구를 통해 신생아 집중치료로 향상을 보이던 생존율이 최근 감소를 보이고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 향후 저체중 출생아의 향상을 위해서는 전문적 치료와 간호, 그리고 폐출혈, 패혈증 등의 합병증 저하를 위한 노력이 적극적으로 요구된다. Purpose: The survival rate of very low birth weight infants(VLBWI) has improved by advanced neonatal intensive care in level III hospital. We performed this study to evaluate the outcome including incidence, survival rate, mortality and morbidity of VLBWI and to get a help on more advanced care in neonatal intensive care unit(NICU). Methods: The retrospective review of medical records was analysed for 205 VLBWI(<1,500g) who were admitted to the NICU of Wonkwang University Hospital from January 2000 to December 2006. Results: The incidence of VLBWI was 4.2%. Overall survival rate was 75.0% and which was lower than other hospital. By birth weight, survival rate was 92.6% in over 1,250g which was higher same as other large hospital, however it was 18.2% in below 750g which was lower than others. By gestational age, survival rate was higher over 80% in over 29 weeks, however which was lower 38.9% in 25-26 weeks and there is no lived in below 24 weeks. Common morbidities were respiratory distress syndrome(RDS) 75%, intraventricular hemorrhage 31.7%, patent ductus arteriosus 29.3%, retinopathy of prematurity 28.8% in the order of frequency. Most common time of death was within 3days 47.1%, and 70.6% died within 7 days. Major cause of death was RDS 23.5% within 3 days, pulmonary hemorrhage 9.8% in 4-7 days, and sepsis 16.7% in 8-27 days. Mean admission duration was 57.7±26.0 days. Conclusion: Survival rate of VLBWI was much improved, but recently decreased a little. So, much efforts must be made with a skillful therapy and nursing care and to reduce a complications for increasing their survival rates.

존 로스 목사의 한글복음서 간행과 보급 여정

강순애 한성대학교 인문과학연구원 2011 소통과 인문학 Vol.12 No.-

This paper studies the publication and distribution process of Reverend John Ross’s Korean Bible by examining the life and mission work of Reverend John Ross, the translation and publication of the Korean Bible, and its distribution. The results of the study are as follows. 1) Reverend John Ross came to Manchuria in 1872 where he began his missionary work with the Chinese and Joseon people centering around the cities of Yingkou(營口) and Mukden(奉天), from where he expanded his work to Tonghua(通化). He served as a missionary in China and Joseon for 38 years until he retired in 1910. He baptized the people he met in the mission field and had Koreans such as Eung Chan Lee, Sang Ryun Soh, Hong Jun Baek, Cheong Song Kim, Jin Ki Kim, Seong Kyun Choi, Ik Sae Lee, Seong Ha Lee participate in the translation of the Korean Bible. Although he stayed in Manchuria, he devoted half his life to spreading the gospel to the Joseon people with a passion like that of the Apostle Paul. 2) The translation of the Korean Bible began in March 1882 and was finished in 1887 under the name of Yesuseongkyo Jeonseo. This Bible is called the ‘Ross Version’ or the ‘Yesuseongkyo-bon.’ The translation of the ‘Yesuseongkyo-bon’ was mostly done in Dongguan Church in the Fengtian province(奉天). A distinct characteristic of the Ross Version is that it used the Chinese Bible as a foundation and therefore has many Chinese expressions and archaisms remaining in the Northwestern dialect. Moreover, although the translated Bible has no word spacing, words such as God, Jesus and Lord have a space before and after each word, a feature of simplified characters (間字). He uses Hangeul rather than Chinese characters for the general public. 3) The publication of the Korean Bible took place in Mungwangseowon in Fengtian between June 1881, when Ross entered the country, and the fall of 1886. The printing of the Bible was fully funded by Great Britain’s National Bible Society of Scotland and done with wooden type. Starting with the printing of 3,000 copies each of Yesuseongkyo Nugabokeumjeonseo and Yesuseongkyo Yoannaebokeumjeonseo in March and May of 1882, separate gospels began to be printed steadily. In 1887, 5000 copies of the first Korean New Testament, the Yesuseongkyo Jeonseo, was published. 4) The distribution of the Korean Gospel began in the Korean town. With the distribution of the Bibles, faith communities were set up naturally. First, Cheong Song Kim formed a community of believers as a result of selling the Korean Bible and evangelizing in and around Jilin, which became the basis for the Yiyangja Church. Second, Hong Jun Baek and Seong Ha Lee evangelized in and around Uiju in the North Pyongan Province in counties such as Wiwon, Kangye, Kuseong, Sakju. As a result the first self-built church in the country, Uiju Faith Community, was formed in the Uiju county. Thirdly, Chun Chon Ryu was the central figure for the Bible distribution in Pyongyang, creating the foundation for the Pyongyang Church. Fourth, Sang Ryun Soh and Gyeong Jo Soh settled in their hometown of Sorae(松川) and went back and forth from Seoul distributing a large number of Bibles. With this basis, Sorae Church began in 1886 and led the establishment of 12 churches in the neighboring Hwanghae region until 1990, while 1887 saw the establishment of Chung Dong Church (now Saemoonan Church) in Seoul. The results of this study will be used in the most fundamental studies of bibliography and Christian literary history as well as Korean literature.

고려 팔만대장경 『유가사지론』의 판각과 봉안에 관한 사례 연구

강순애 한성대학교 인문과학연구원 2010 소통과 인문학 Vol.10 No.-

This paper aims to study Koryeo Eighty Thousands Tripitaka Yugasagi-lon(瑜伽師地論)’s wood printing blocks and their preservation by proceeding in the following order: Koryeo Eighty Thousands Tripitaka’s woodblocks, scale and storage; Yuga-sagi-lon’s content and layout; Yugasagi-lon’s woodblocks and scale; the storage of Haeinsa Temple(海印寺) Daejanggyeongpanjeon(大藏經板殿); and the placement order of Yugasagi-lon’s bookshelves. Koryeo Eighty Thousands Tripitaka consists of 81,350 woodblocks of 1,514 types issued in Ganghwa(江華) region’s Daejangdogam(大藏都監) and Namhaes(南海) region’s Bunsadogam(分司都監) over a period of 16 years during Gojong(高宗)’s 23rd year(1236) to his 38th year(1251). After the engraving was done it was kept in Daejanggyeongpandang(大藏經板堂) in Ganghwa. It appears that Daejanggyeongpandang was located in Seonwonsa Temple(禪源寺). The 100 volumes of Yuga-sagi-lon were translated by Hyeonjang(玄奘) from the Hongboksa Temple(弘福寺)between the years 646 and 648, and were carved on wood at Daejangdogam for three years from the 32nd year of reign(1245) to the 34th year(1247) of Koryeo’s King Gojong. In the 100 volumes, a total of 1,367 woodblocks and 2,734 sides were used. Of those sides used, 2,364 sides were actually carved, meaning that 98 sides were not carved. 151 engravers were enlisted, the most actively involved of them being Choedeuksun(崔得純), Jiryang(至良), Jangse(長世) and Bakyu(朴有). Among the 100 volumes, 52 were carved by one person, 17 by two people, 12 by more than three people, and 19 by more than four people. The engravers recorded their names with different letters that had the same sound. There are also marks of the workshops(工房) they belonged to. Imbi(林庇), Choeryeo(崔呂) and Ikmyeong(益明), who had active roles in the Bunsadogam, participated in the work. The engraver’s name was on the exterior and the boundry between the interior and the exterior of Gwanggwak. Although it does not pertain to all of the Koryeo Eighty Thousands Tripitaka’s woodblocks housed in Haeinsa Temple Daejanggyeongpanjeon, 10 volumes are generally arranged in a Hamcha(函次) and put in the order of the Cheonjamun(千字文). The placement of the sutra woodblock begins with the first bookshelf to the right of the central bookshelf of the Beopbojeon(法寶殿), filling out the shelves in an orderly manner and continuing to the Sudarajeon(修多羅殿) shelves to the final shelves. Yuga-sagi-lons woodblock layout comprises of 100 volumes which are divided into 10 volumes and placed in 10 Hamcha. The sutra blocks are located in Shelf 52 Layer 1 Number 1 to Shelf 56 Layer 3 Number 28, and consist of 1,367 woodblocks and 2,734 sides. Within the bookshelves, the sutra blocks are in the descending order of Column 5, Column 4, Column 3, Column 2, Column 1. Each column begins at the layer underneath to form the order of 9 ￫10, 7 ￫8, 5 ￫6, 3 ￫4, 1 ￫2. In this way 100 volumes are arranged.

李彦瑱의 「海覽篇」에 나타난 癸未使行 路程

강순애 한성대학교 인문과학연구원 2010 소통과 인문학 Vol.11 No.-

This study aims to define the course of the diplomatic mission described in Lee Eonjin’s Haerampyeon(海覽篇) by studying the following in order: the diplomatic mission of the Gyemisahaeng and Lee Eonjin; the writing of Haerampyeon; the composition of Haerampyeon and the itinerary of the mission. The conclusions are presented in the following paragraphs. 1) Gyemisahaeng(癸未使行) was a 382-day journey that took place between July 24 of the 39th year of King Yeongjo's reign(1763) and July 8 of the 40th year of his reign(1764). It was undertaken by around 500 people including Jeongsa(正使) Jo Eom(趙曮), departing Hanseong(漢城) for Edo(江戶) in Japan. Lee Eonjin(李彦瑱) participated in the Gyemisahaeng as Hanhakapmultongsa(漢學押物通使) and, through the two written communication in which he took part in Japan, was acknowledged as the one person who revered the Wangsejeong(王世貞) in Joseon. 2) The draft for Lee Eonjin’s Haerampyeon as ready on November 25 on the 39th year of Yeongjo’s reign(1763) and was shown to several people who participated together in the sahaeng to be evaluated by them on December 1 of that year. After returning from the sahaeng, Lee Eonjin revised the draft by integrating the comments given to him and then had it evaluated again by Lee Yong Hyu and Nam Ok. The later revision is thought to have taken place between July 9 of the 40th year of Yeongjo’s reign(1764) and Lee Eonjin's death in the 42nd year of Yeongjo’s reign. Afterwards, Haerampyeon was included in Songmokkwansinyeogo(松穆館燼餘稿) and Songmokkwanjip(松穆館集) which were published in the 11th year of Cheoljong’s reign(1860), but These texts slightly different from the critical comments text(批點本, 1764-1766) of Haerampyeon. Aside from being published in Lee Eonjin’s collection of works, Haerampyeon is also included in Usangjeon(虞裳傳) which was compiled by Park Jiwon(朴趾源) and Eemokkusimseo(耳目口心書), compiled by Lee Deokmu(李德懋). Haerampyeon also became known in China through Kim Seokjun(金奭準), but no related publications have yet been found in Japan. 3) Haerampyeon is a travel poem divided into four parts, each part containing concrete descriptions of the diplomatic mission. In the first part, it mentions Japan in detail: its geographic position; local products such as oranges, tangerines, cycads, and octopus; and Mount Fuji. In part 2, it describes the developed city of Osaka through comparisons to the world's produce gathered there through civilization and enlightenment. Part 3 speaks of the biased national characteristics and religion of the Japanese, and includes vivid observations centered around Ikinoshima(壹岐島) of the lives of the Japanese common people. The latter part says that Japan is missing from the botanical writing by Naham(羅含) of the Qin Dynasty and from writings such as Sugyeongju(水經注), Doseol(圖說), Gogeumdogeomrok(古今刀劍錄), Gonyeomangukyeodo(坤與萬國輿圖) which should therefore be revised. Part 4 is the conclusion of Haerampyeon which acknowledges a changing Japan and emphasizes continuing friendly relations with it.

입원 중인 베트남 참전 군인의 삶의 만족도와 관련된 요인

김애리,박종,김율,노희송,박광희,김은숙,김형철,홍강식,류소연,강명근,김기순 朝鮮大學校 附設 醫學硏究所 2007 The Medical Journal of Chosun University Vol.32 No.2

Background and Objectives: The aim of the study was to identify the factors associated with life satisfaction of hospitalized Vietnam veterans. Material and Methods: The data were collected from 200 hospitalized Vietnam veterans of 5 veterans hospitals in Korea from September 13 to 23, 2004. Information of general characteristics, health behavior, disease history, family function, depression and life satisfaction were collected by structured questionnaire. Results: The mean of life satisfaction was 21.48(±6.03), and the mean of depression was 53.10(±9.64). The prevalence of depression was mild depression 24.0%, moderate depression 43.5% and severe depression 25.0%. Depression was associated with life satisfaction and depression was higher, life satisfaction was lower. Family function and age were positively associated with life satisfaction, Conclusion: Life satisfaction was affected by depression and family function in hospitalized Vietnam veterans. Therefore, it was thought that psychosocial approaches such as improve depression and family function in care of hospitalized Vietnam veterans is required.

견/합성섬유 혼방품의 일욕염색(Ⅵ) : 산성염료/분산염료 염욕에서의 견/셀룰로오스 트리아세테이트의 염착거동 Adsorption Behavior of Acid Dyes/Disperse Dyes on Silk/Cellulose Triacetate

金公朱,박미라,강영의,김애순 全北大學校 1994 論文集 Vol.38 No.-

In one bath dyeing system of silk/cellulose triacetate(triactate) fiber blend fabric with acid/disperse dyes, adsorption behvior of acid dyes and disperse dyes on silk and triactate fabrics were examined. In the dyeing of triactate with the C.I. Disperse Red 19(Red 19) and the C.I. Disperse Red 60(Red 60) at 100℃, dye uptake with the Red 19 was higher than that with the Red 60. When the silk/triaceetate was dyed with Red 19 and the Red 60 at 100℃, dye uptake on triacetate was influenced by affinity of the dye to the silk fabric dyed together. In the treatment of the silk fabric dyed with the Red 19 and Red 60 in desorption bath with and without undyed triacetate, desorption of the dyes from the silk fabric was influenced by the affinity of the dyes to the triacetate. When the silk/triacetate was dyed with the Blue 80/Red 19 and Red 60 at 100℃, color of triacetate dyed with the Red 19 and Red 60 was not influenced by the Blue 80 but silk dyed with the Blue 80 was influenced by the Red 19.

産業災害로 인한 手脂切斷 患者의 療養期間과 診療費의 變異

이종호,이종영,손지연,하영애,박순우,감신,이영숙,김건엽,강윤식 大韓産業醫學會 1997 대한직업환경의학회지 Vol.9 No.3

This study was conducted to analyze variation in patient days and medical care benefits among finger-amputated patients due to industrial injury. The 242 personal data on medical care for finger-amputated patients due to industrial injury(131 in 1994, 111 in 1995) of Regional Labor Office were analyzed. The major results of this study were as follows: Patient days per case were 69. And the ratio of the maximum and the minimum among patient days for case was 26.6. Patient days per case in university hospital were 134.8 and the longest than other medical facilites. The ratio of the maximum and the minimum among the patient days per case was higher in hospital(24.7) than in other medical facilities. Benefits per case were 1,258,000 Won. And the ratio of the maximum and the minimum among benefits of case was 232.0. Case benefits was higher in university hospital (2,685,000 Won) than in other medicl facilities. The ratio of the maximum and the minimum among the benefits per case was higher in hospital(232.0) than in other medical facilities. Variation in patient days and medical care benefits per finger-amputated patient in industrial injury was large. This study results indicated need for a new industrial injury compensation insurance policy initiative for efficient utilization of medical resources and quality assurance. And the author thought that the results of this study would influence the policy for the industrial injury compensation insurance policy.

Impact of health education on the prevalence of enterobiasis in Korean preschool students

Kang, In-Soon,Kim, Dong-Hee,An, Hye-Gyung,Son, Hyun-Mi,Cho, Min Kyoung,Park, Mi-Kyung,Kang, Shin Ae,Kim, Bo Young,Yu, Hak Sun Elsevier 2012 Acta tropica Vol.122 No.1

<P><B>Graphical abstract</B></P><P>Providing health information about enterobiasis to parents could reduce the prevalence, as well as the rate of new infection or re-infection with <I>E. vermicularis</I> in their children.<ce:figure id='fig0005'></ce:figure></P><P><B>Highlight</B></P><P>► We evaluated the impact of health education on the prevalence of enterobiasis. ► We screened enterobiasis after education or medication. ► The infection rate in medication group was dramatically decreased. ► The infection rate of education group was shown to drop. ► New infection and re-infection cases in the education group were fewer.</P> <P><B>Abstract</B></P><P>Health education has been shown to be effective in slowing the spread of the disease, infectious disease in particular. To evaluate the impact of health education on the prevalence and pattern of new infection of enterobiasis, children from 6 kindergartens in Ulsan city, South Korea, were recruited after undergoing a screening for enterobiasis, and then divided into three groups, including group medication (GM), education (Edu), and control group. All children in GM group received medical treatment with 500mg albendazole twice, with 15 days interval. In the Edu group, only children diagnosed positive for <I>Enterobius vermicularis</I> eggs received medical treatment with 500mg albendazole twice, with 15 days interval and all parents in the group received brochures providing information about enterobiasis. In the control group, only children diagnosed positive for <I>E. vermicularis</I> eggs received medical treatment with 500mg albendazole twice, with 15 days interval, and no information about enterobiasis was provided to parents. Two post-treatment examinations were performed at three and six months after treatment. The infection rate in the GM group was dramatically decreased at 3 months, and this rate was almost the same as at 6 months after treatment. Infection rate of children in the Edu group was shown to drop from 9.9% to 3.0% at 3 months, and to 2.7% at 6 months after treatment; however, the infection rate in the control group continued to be higher than in the other two groups at both 3 and 6 months, with smaller change at 3 months compared to the other two groups. In addition, both new infection and re-infection cases in the Edu group were fewer, compared to those in the control group. In conclusion, although GM is the best method for eradication of enterobiasis, providing health information about enterobiasis to parents could reduce the prevalence, as well as the rate of new infection or re-infection with <I>E. vermicularis</I> in their children.</P>

Inhibitory Role on the Early Stage of Adipocyte Cell Differentiation of Dioscorea japonica DECENE

Soon Ah Kang,Young-Ae Lee,Jong-Ae Kim,Hyun-Ji Oh,Ji-Yeon Lee 한국식품영양과학회 2015 한국식품영양과학회 학술대회발표집 Vol.2015 No.8

연세대(延世大) 소장의 초참본 『월인석보(月印釋譜)』 권(卷)13,권(卷)14에 관한 연구 -그 저본경전(底本經典)과 구성(構成)을 중심으로-

강순애 ( Soon Ae Kang ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2007 동방학지 Vol.138 No.-