Spermine and Its Interaction with Proline Induce Resistance to the Root Rot Pathogen Phytophthora capsici in Pepper (Capsicum annuum)

Esra KOÇ,Cemil İŞLEK,Yeliz KAŞKO ARICI 한국원예학회 2017 Horticulture, Environment, and Biotechnology Vol.58 No.3

The root rot pathogen Phytophthora capsici can severely damage production of peppers (Capsicum annuum). This study examined the effect of exogenous spermine and spermine in combination with proline on disease severity inpepper inoculated with P. capsici, as well as the effect of the treatments on P. capsici growth and zoospore development. Peroxidase, catalase, and polyphenol oxidase activity, the levels of phenolic compounds, malondialdehyde (MDA), andhydrogen peroxide (H2O2), and fresh and dry weight were measured on the 3rd, 5th, and 7thdays after P. capsici infection. Disease severity and size of the necrotic lesions increased with the degree of injury caused by the pathogen anddecreased in resistant varieties. The cultivar CM-334 exhibited the highest resistance to P. capsici followed by AmazonF1 whereas other genotypes were susceptible to the disease. Treatments with spermine and spermine + proline priorto inoculation decreased the severity of disease, the length of the necrotic lesions, and the MDA and H2O2 levels inall genotypes, and increased peroxidase, catalase, and polyphenol oxidase activity, the total level of phenolics, andfresh and dry weight, when compared to the untreated, inoculated plants. In addition, 1 mM spermine, 1 mMspermine + 1 mM proline, and 1 mM spermine + 10 mM proline decreased colony growth of P. capsici and zoosporeproduction. This study showed that spermine and spermine + proline induced defense responses and increasedresistance to P. capsici infection in pepper

The Influence of Conflicts in Ukrainian Contact Zone on the Individual Lives of Goryeoin

( Ka Young Ko ) 건국대학교 이주사회통합연구소 2019 Journal of Migration and Social Integration (JMSI) Vol.4 No.2

This article examines the lives of ethnic Koreans(Goryeoin) as migrants in the international political conflict surrounding Ukraine, which is traditionally the border between the West and Russia. In this article, based on oral interviews, we have examined the choices of the minority Koreans living in Ukraine, a young independent country, in relation to domestic and international political conflicts. The study area is Kiev, the capital city, and Odessa, the southern region. The Euro-Maidan incident, Russia’s merger with the Crimean Peninsula, political turmoil in Ukraine since the Eastern Civil War, and economic difficulties have affected the lives of individual Ukrainian people and the lives of immigrant Koreans. However, these effects are different by region and class. Koreans in Ukraine can be divided into two categories. There are oldcomers made up of elites who moved to study abroad after the elimination of their residence in 1956, and newcomers who moved their farms out of High Land, a seasonal labor site. The Koreans, who have moved to Ukraine, the region closest to Europe, for a better future, are moving again because Ukraine is losing its prospects. The oldcomers’ choice, however, was in Western countries such as Poland, the Czech Republic, and Germany. Ukrainians are also migrating to these areas on a large scale. The difficulties faced by the Koreans do not seem to be very different from the difficulties that most Ukrainians face. However, most of the newcomers who ran agricultural migration suffered from the status of being stateless. The status of statelessness was gradually resolved with the help of the Korean government and the Koryoin Association. However, due to the newly emerging economic difficulties after the Crimean crisis, they are choosing Korea as a new destination. This is the difference between the Ukrainians. Koreans are given one more option. The Ukrainian Goryeoin community is gradually weakening because: The high rate of marriage with Ukrainians, the increase in migration to other countries, and Uzbekistan Koreans, who once were continuously recruited into the Ukrainian Korean society, leaving for Korea, not Ukraine, and 3,000-4,000 Koreans in Crimea who are separate. This separation also accounts for the shrinking ethnic Koran community. (kkynow@hanmail.net)

주류문화와의 조우로 인한 중앙아시아 고려인의 장례문화 변화 양상

고가영(Ko, Ka Young) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2018 역사문화연구 Vol.67 No.-

This paper aims to delve into the characteristics of the funeral practices of the Soviet Koreans living in Central Asia. In general, religion and language are considered crucial elements that form one s ethnic identity. However, the Russian-speaking, mostly atheistic Soviet Koreans living in Central Asia are a rare exception. The ethnic Koreans in post-Soviet Central Asia maintain a strong sense of ethnic identity even without their own religion or language. One of the most indispensable factors that constitute the long-held ethnic identity of the Soviet Koreans is the traditional way of living that have been handed down from their ancestors and preserved to date. Among others, the funeral practices of the Soviet Koreans are deemed as one of the most well-preserved traditional elements. While the majority of the Soviet Koreans believe that marriage and other traditional customs may change over time, they insist on keeping their funeral practices alive in their original form. As such, funeral practices are regarded as one of the domains where traditions remain intact, clearly demonstrating the so-called cultural freezing phenomenon. In this paper, the author surveyed the tombs of the Soviet Koreans located in their main inhabitations including Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic and conducted oral interviews with 49 Soviet Koreans to find out whether the funerary customs of the Soviet Koreans living in Central Asia pertain to only the cultural freezing phenomenon and assess the features of their current funeral practices. This study found that the funeral rituals of the Soviet Koreans reveal different characteristics in public and private spaces. The funerary rituals performed at home or private space refer to the early stages of the funerary process prior to carrying a casket to a burial site, ranging from the confirmation of the death to placing the body into a casket. More specifically, the rituals in the private sphere consist of the calling the soul of the dead , preparing the funeral banner, bowing three times after casketing the body and setting up the memorial service table for three days. The funeral rituals are well preserved in private space manifesting the cultural freezing phenomenon. This demonstrates that the Soviet Koreans enjoyed relative freedom to maintain their traditions in private space. However, the later stages of the funeral rituals ranging from carrying a casket out of the house to on-site burial practices to tomb-building customs display different characteristics. In particular, moving a casket with the lid open from the house to the burial site, conducting burial rituals with the lid open on the burial ground, performing music and tomb-building practices are markedly different from the burial customs practiced in Korea, as these rituals follow those of the ruling Russians. Unlike in private space where traditions are clearly preserved, in public or social space the traditional practices have been assimilated into the mainstream culture rather than being frozen in time, leading to cultural hybridity. Such trend became more prominent after the removal of residential restrictions in 1956, which allowed people to migrate to cities. After realizing that their fate had largely depended on their relationship with the ruling regime through forced migration, the Soviet Koreans opted for assimilation regarding their funeral practices carried out in social space. Although they may not be fully aware, the Soviet Koreans have successfully preserved their funeral practices in the private sphere such as “home,” while largely assimilating into the mainstream culture in the social sphere such as a burial site, which resulted in cultural hybridity. Demonstrating such cultural hybridization between “tradition” and “assimilation”, the funeral practices of the Soviet Koreans in Central Asia remains one of the key identities of the diaspora. 이글은 오늘날 중앙아시아 고려인들의 장례문화의 특징을 살펴본 글이다. 일반적으로 종교와 언어가 민족정체성 형성의 중요한 요소라고 여겨지고 있으나, 러시아어를 모국어로, 대부분이 무신론자인 중앙아시아 고려인의 경우는 예외라고 할 수 있다. 비록 전통 종교와 언어를 소유하고 있지 않지만, 오늘날 중앙아시아 고려인들은 강한 민족 정체성을 유지하고 있다. 이들이 민족 정체성을 유지하고 있는 중요한 요소 중 하나는 일상 속에서 보존되어 계승되고 있는 전통 생활 문화라 할 수 있다. 전통적인 요소가 가장 잘 보존되고 있는 것 중 하나가 장례문화이다. 고려인들은 시대가 변함에 따라 결혼 풍습을 비롯한 여러 가지 전통들이 변모될 수 있지만, 장례문화만은 원형 그대로 보존되어야만 한다고 이구동성으로 강조한다. 이처럼 고려인들의 장례 문화는 전통을 고수하는, 즉 ‘문화동결 현상’이 두드러진 영역으로 여겨지고 있다. 그런데 과연 중앙아시아 고려인의 장례문화에는 ‘문화동결 현상’만이 나타나고 있는지, 오늘날 중앙아시아 고려인의 장례문화의 특징은 무엇인지를 분석하기 위해 필자는 고려인들이 주로 거주하고 있는 카자흐스탄, 우즈베키스탄, 키르기즈 공화국의 고려인 묘지들을 고찰했으며, 49명의 고려인들과의 구술인터뷰를 시행하였다. 그 결과 고려인들의 장례의례는 사적인 공간과 공적인 공간에서 서로 다른 성격을 보이고 있음을 알 수 있다. 우선 사적 공간인 가정 내에서 이루어지는 장례 의례는 망자의 사망이 확인된 순간부터 입관과 그 이후 장지로 출발하기 이전까지의 단계로서, ‘혼 부르기’ ‘명정 쓰기’ 입관 이전에 한 번 절하고 입관 이후에 세 번 절하기, 3일간 ‘제사상’ 차리기 등의 절차가 이루어진다. 이러한 사적공간에서의 상례는 전통이 잘 유지되고 있는 ‘문화 동결현상’을 드러내고 있다. 이는 사적 공간에서의 전통의 고수가 상대적으로 자유로웠음을 알 수 있다. 그러나 그 다음 단계인 집을 떠나는 발인과 장지에 도착한 이후 행해지는 매장 의식과 묘를 만드는 방식에 있어서는 다른 특성이 드러난다. 발인과 장지에서의 장례식 과정에서 관 뚜껑을 닫지 않고 연채로 관을 운송하고 의례를 행하는 것, 음악을 연주하는 것과 묘지 조성 방식은 한국의 매장 풍습과는 현저하게 차이를 보이고 있다. 이는 지배민족이었던 러시아인들의 방식을 따르고 있다. 이처럼 사적 공간에서 전통의 고수가 선명하게 드러난 것에 반해 공적인 영역, 즉 사회적 공간에서는 ‘문화 동결 현상’ 보다는 주류 문화에의 동화를 통한 ‘혼종성’이 드러난다고 할 수 있다. 이는 1956년 거주제한이 철폐된 이후 도시로 진출하게 되면서 더욱 두드러지게 되었다. 강제이주를 통해 자신들의 운명이 지배민족과의 관계 속에서 결정되는 경험을 한 고려인들은 장례문화에 있어서도 사회적 공간에서는 ‘동화’를 선택한 것이다. 비록 자신들이 분명하게 의식하지 못한다 하더라도, 사적 공간인 ‘가정’ 내에서는 장례문화의 ‘전통의 고수’ 현상이 두드러지게 되었으며, 사회적 공간인 묘지 조성에 있어서는 주류문화와의 ‘동화’ 현상이 두드러진 문화의 혼종성이 나타나고 있다. 이처럼 중앙아시아 지역의 고려인들의 장례문화는 ‘전통의 고수’와 ‘동화’ 사이에서 혼종성을 드러내며 디아스포라로서의 정체성의 핵심으로서 작동하고 있다.

국내 난민(internal displaced persons)으로서 크림 타타르인

고가영(Ko, Ka Young) 한국독일사학회 2016 독일연구 Vol.- No.31

이 글은 크림 타타르인을 국내 난민의 위치로 전락시킨 중앙아시아로의 강제이주의 원인을 둘러싼 논쟁과 강제이주 과정과 이주 직후의 크림 타타르인들의 중앙아시아에서의 유형민으로서의 삶을 살펴본 글이다. 1783년 크림 반도가 러시아에 병합되기 이전부터 크림 반도에 거주해온 크림 타타르인들은 1944년 5월 민족 전체가 중앙아시아로 강제이주 당했다. 이주 과정은 매우 참혹하여, 46%가량이 사망했으며, 중앙아시아에 도착한 이들은 약 20만 명이었다. 강제이주의 공식적인 원인은 1941년 10월부터 1944년 4월 까지 크림 반도를 점령한 나치에 부역한, 소비에트 조국을 배반한 죄에 대한 처벌이었다. 이에 대해 서구학자들과 크림 타타르 학자들로 구성된 일부 학자들은 이를 근거 없는 모함이라고 주장한다. 그러나 일부 러시아 학자들은 나치 점령 하에서 크림 타타르들이 부역한 것은 명백한사실이므로 강제이주는 합당한 근거를 가지는 것이라고 주장한다. 크림 반도를 점령한 나치는 전쟁 발발 이전 소비에트 정권과는 달리 크 림 타타르의 종교와 민족 문화를 존중하는 유화정책에서부터 가혹한학살에 이르는 탄압정책에 이르기까지 다양한 스펙트럼의 통치를 감행하였다. 따라서 크림 타타르인들의 나치에 대한 태도 역시 일관된 하나의 방향만 있는 것은 아니었다. 자경단을 조직하여 나치에 협조하는 극단적인 부역의 형태부터 정규 소련군과 파르티잔에 참가하여 나치에 저항하기까지 다양한 대응 태도를 보였다. 그러나 크림 반도를 나치로부터 탈환한 소련 당국은 나치에 부역한죄에 대한 처벌로 민족전체를 중앙아시아로 강제이주시켰다. 그런데 이는 표면적인 이유에 불과하며, 국경지대로서, 지정학적으로 매우 중요한 크림반도를 당국의 의도대로 관리하고자 하는 의도를 관철시킨것이었다. 이주 과정과 초기 정착과정은 매우 참혹하여 중앙아시아에서 크림 타타르인들은 거주이전의 자유도 박탈당한 채, 난민과도 같은 생활을 했다. 전쟁에 동원되었던 많은 크림 타타르인들은 전선에 서 소비에트 조국을 위해 나치와 전투를 벌이는 동안 자신들의 가족들이 부당한 강제이주를 당한 것에 대해 심한 배신감을 느끼기도 했다. 이후 30년간 크림타타르인들은 소비에트 정부를 상대로 끊임없는 귀환투쟁을 벌였다. The present paper aims to explore the reason of deportation of Crimean Tatar to Central Asia. And this paper examines the lives of Crimean Tatar in Central Asia in the process of deportation and right after the forced migration. Most of Crimean Tatar who have lived in the Crimean peninsula before it became part of Russian territory in 1783 deported to Central Asia in May, 1944. The number of those who arrived at Central Asia was about two hundred thousands. The official reason of deportation was the penalty for their collaboration with Nazis who occupied Crimean Peninsula from October, 1941 to April, 1944. Some researchers of western and Crimean Tartar insist that the statement is just slander without proper reason. But some Russian researchers insist that the deportation has proper grounds as the fact that Crimean Tartar collaborated with Nazis during their occupation period. the governing position of Nazis to Crimean peninsula had various spectrum from appeasement policy to respect religion and national cultures of Crimean Tartar to oppressive measures including cruel massacre. Therefore, the position of Crimean Tartar for Nazis was not one direction. Crimean Tartar had various positions from the cooperation with Nazis by organizing self-defence battalions to resistance to Nazis by joining the regular Soviet army and partisan. However, after restoration the Crimean peninsula from Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union deported the Crimean Tatar to Central Asia as the penalty for their collaboration with Nazi Germany. But, it was just the official reason and its actual intention was to govern the geopolitically important border area, the Crimean peninsula in the way they wanted. The deportation process and the early settlement step was so cruel. And Crimean Tartars felt betrayed because their families had deported from the Crimean peninsula while they were fighting against Nazis for Soviet Union, and then they had continuously struggled for repatriation to Crimean peninsula about 30 years.

2차 대전이 ‘중앙아시아 무슬림종무원 (САДУМ)"의 설립과 활동에 미친 영향

고가영(Ko Ka Young) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2017 슬라브학보 Vol.32 No.1

This article delves into relationship between the Soviet Union government and the Islam religion of Central Asia. In general, Islam is considered to have been repressed at the time of Soviet Union but in this article, this conception is analyzed through establishment and activity of “The Spiritual Board of Muslims of Central Asia and Kazakhstan, SADUM”, which is one of representative Islam organizations. It was established during the World War II. At that time, the Soviet Union had to launch all‐out war against Germany after Germany’s invasion. Islam, which had been repressed continuously before the war, established SADUM to source war materials and it was able to build the religious foundations, such as gathering the war fund, building mosques and religious schools, supporting pilgrimage and maintaining mausoleums. SADUM had steady and close relationship with the government because of the Cold War, which was occurred after the World War II. The Soviet Union had to maintain close relationship with the Arab countries during the Cold War, so, it continued friendly relationship with the Islam and it can be proved in SADUM’s active international movements during the Cold War. The Islam was not always repressed by the Soviet Union and it had close relationship with the government due to the domestic and foreign situations from time to time.

카를락 추모 박물관의 ‘카라간다 교정-노동 수용소’ 재현의 특징

고가영(Ko, Ka Young) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2021 슬라브학보 Vol.36 No.1

This article is a study of Karaganda Corrective Labor Camp (Karlag in Russian) and its representation in the Karlag Memorial Museum. Karlag is a large concentration camp established in Kazakhstan during the Stalin period. It is a camp built to create industrial complexes that collect mineral resources such as coal and copper, which are needed during the Soviet industrialization. The industrial complexes had been built by the camp prisoners in the central Kazakhstan and the Camp laid the foundation for agriculture and animal husbandry. It also worked as the foundation for the artistic development of Kazakhstan. In Karlag, experts in various fields and artists were imprisoned. And the cultural and artistic works were carried out to fulfill the correctional functions of the concentration camps during the Stalin period, in spite of the suffering of the imprisoned women and children from the harsh conditions of life. Kazakhstan is currently in the process of establishing a new independent nation-state. And the memory of the Camp is used as a tool for establishing Kazakhstan national identity cutting from the Soviet identity by maximizing and reproducing it far more miserably and tragically than it actually existed.

부르주아 민족주의'와 '뿌리 없는 코스모폴리타니즘'과의 전쟁

고가영(Ko, Ka-young) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2014 역사문화연구 Vol.49 No.-

This article analyzes the cause and mode of Antisemitism during the Stalin period after the World War II. The Soviet Union, the severest battlefield of the War, was greatly damaged. Stalin, who was going to rebuild the nation overcoming the lost of national finance and people, focused on the integration of people of the nation. In this context, Israel's pro-American orientation after its birth gave a great influence on Stalin's policy of the Jews. Stalin comes to arrive antisemitism that is called 'pogrom of the nation'. He did not allow the memorial of the sacrificed Jews during the War by the Nazis. And he dissolved the 'Anti-Fascist Committee' which was started by the government during the war, and executed the writers and actors who were the members of the Committee. Also he dismissed the Jews in the municipal government and expelled or arrested the prominent Jewish people in the area of culture, art, and scholarship. Furthermore he arrested the competent medical doctors in Kremul in the name of assassin or intended assassin of the important people in the government including Stalin himself. The justification of the oppression was the opposition to 'Bourgeois Nationalism' and 'rootless Cosmopolitanism'. Although it was not realized due to the death of Stalin but the oppression was the signal of the forced immigration of the many Jewish people. The cause of the grand oppression of the Jews is as follows: First, Stalin's personal abomination of the Jews; second, for the economic crisis after the War; third, control of the 5th powers during the cold war; fourth, social unification between the Jews and the minority groups who were in the front line of genocide of the Jews. Lastly, to re-adjust the high ratio of Jews within the major government machinery after the Revolution. Based on these reasons, the anti-Semitism in the government level caused the stream of the Jews to leave the land of the Soviet Union and return to Israel. 이글은 전후 스탈린 시기의 반유대주의의 양상과 원인을 분석한 글이다. 2차대전의 가장 치열한 전장이었던 소련은 전쟁으로 인한 막대한 피해를 입었다. 전쟁 기간의 극심한 인명, 재산상의 손실을 극복하고 국민적 통합을 이루어 나라를 재건하려는 스탈린은 국민적 통합을 주요한 과제로 삼았다. 때마침 냉전의 시작과 더불어 유대 민족의 국가인 이스라엘의 탄생, 그리고 신생 국가인 이스라엘의 친미적인 경향은 스탈린의 소연방 내 유대인에 대한 정책에 결정적인 영향을 미친다. 전후 스탈린은 국가 차원의 포그롬으로 명명될 정도의 반유대주의 노선을 채택하기에 이른다. 우선, 전쟁 기간의 나치에 의한 유대인 희생에 대한 유대인들의 추모를 허용하지 않았으며, 전시에 국가 주도 하에 결성되었던 <반 파시스트위원회>를 해산시키며, 주로 작가와 배우로 구성된 위원회의 구성원들을 처형하기에 이른다. 또한 중앙과 지방 정부의 기구 속의 유대인들을 축출하고, 유대인들이 이전에 두각을 드러낸 문화, 예술, 학문 분야에서 비중 있는 유대인 출신 활동가들을 해고시키고 체포했다. 게다가 의료계에 유대인들이 많이 진출해 있는 상황에서 크레믈의 유능한 의사들을 스탈린 자신을 비롯한 정부 요인들의 암살 및 암살 기도 혐의로 체포하기에 이른다. 이같은 유대인들에 대한 탄압의 명분으로 작동한 것은 <부르주아 민족주의>와 <뿌리 없는 코스코폴리타니즘>에 대한 반대였다. 이는 스탈린의 사망으로 실현되지는 못했으나, 유대민족 전체를 강제이주 시키려는 계획의 전조로 여겨지기도 했다. 이러한 대대적인 유대인에 대한 탄압의 원인으로는 첫째, 스탈린의 개인적인 유대인 혐오감, 둘째, 전후 사회 경제적 위기 상황 타개를 위한 희생양, 셋째. 냉전 수행 과정에서의 제5열 세력에 대한 통제, 넷째, 사회통합 기제, 다섯째, 전쟁 기간에 나치에 동원되어 유대인 학살에 앞장섰던 소련 내 소수민족들과 유대인들 간의 사회적 통합 그리고 마지막으로는 혁명이후 정부를 비롯한 사회 주요기구들 내에 유대인 비중이 지나치게 높았던 것을 재조정하기 위한 것으로 분석할 수 있다. 이러한 다양한 원인들로 인해 자행된 국가차원의 반유대주의 양상은 수많은 소련 유대인들로 하여금 소련 땅을 등지고 이스라엘로의 귀환의 행렬을 이루게 되는 원인으로 작동했다.

특집 : 소련 해체 후 러시아,동유럽 역사 재조명 ; 소련 유대인 엑소더스 -이주 자유를 위한 투쟁-

고가영 ( Ka Young Ko ) 한국서양사학회 2011 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.111

This article aims to see the emigration movement of Jewish diaspora in the Soviet Union. Jews have attempted to emigrate from the Soviet Union in the late 1960s and this attempt became the center of the nationalistic anti-government movement. They took a great role in establishing the Soviet government and confronted the national holocaust- and fought against the Nazi by assisting the Soviet government in and out of the front line during the Second World War. However, in 1948 after the establishment of Israel, Stalin carried out an intensive Jewish oppression policy almost like ``pogrom(norpom)`` emphasizing anti- cosmopolitanism. During the Khrushchevian government, the Jews were oppressed under the catch phrase of ``Return to Leninism from the Distortion of Stalinism,`` which was the religious policy in the thawing period. Also during the Brezhnevian period, Jews suffered from the difficulties in entering university, discrimination within bureaucracy such as limitation of going into public office, and the daily anti-Semitism such as the desecration of cemetery. The anti-Semitism became the internal factors for the Jews to emigrate from the Soviet Union to Israel. The external factors were 1948 Israel Founding, 1967 June War, and the Helsinki Agreement. The Soviet government, the central power of the cold war system and the major socialist country that consider the capitalist country an enemy, had difficulty in permitting the emigration of the Jews. The Jewish movement of emigration to Israel caused conflict with the Soviet system which had been called the ``Iron Curtain``. The movement gave a great damage to the pride of the Soviet government which presumed to have found a paradise for the workers as the birthplace of Socialism. And at the same time, the movement`s nationalistic sentiment baffled the Soviet government which ruled more than 150 multi-nations under the name of Union. The Soviet government considered the Jewish emigration activists as rebellious spies and the threatening power to the foundation of a socialist world. However, the Jews were able to emigrate with the help of the international Detante wave and consistent struggle. The struggle in the beginning showed scattered and occasional forms such as legal petition, demonstration, fasting, and skyjacking but gradually changed long-term as organized forms such as regular seminar, international conference, and memorial events for the holocaust victims. In addition to these, the Jewish emigration activists kept solidarity with the anti-government human rights movement activists and eventually established a form of self-organization. Overall, the Jewish emigration movement enlarged its activism from the simple emigration movement to the general human rights movement that sought the freedom of residence, and finally it brought a crack in the Iron Curtain with ``a struggle on foot against the system``.

우랄지역 원로 고려인들의 생애사 연구

고가영(Ko, Ka-Young) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2008 역사문화연구 Vol.30 No.-

본 논문은 소비에트 체제의 변화과정에서 원로 고려인들이 겪은 삶과 의식의 변화, 즉 생애사를 연구한 것이다. 연구 대상은 70세 전후의 성공한 원로 고려인으로서 고려인 사회의 사표((role-model)가 된 이들을 대상으로 하였으며, 연구 방법은 구술사 연구 방법론을 사용했다. 연구 대상 지역은 우랄지역의 대도시인 예카테린부르크 시와 첼랴빈스크 시, 페름 시이다. 140여 년 전 러시아의 극동 지역으로 이주해 갔던 고려인들은 1937년에 스탈린의 폭정으로 ‘일본의 스파이’로 취급되어 중앙아시아로 강제이주를 당했다. 구술자인 원로고려인들의 어린 시절은 강제이주로 인해 심한 고초를 겪었고 이때의 외상(트라우마)은 향후 이들의 삶에 커다란 영향을 미쳐서, 주어진 환경에 최대한 순응하면서 성공에 대한 열망을 키울 수 있는 동력이 되었다. 이주 이후 중앙아시아에서 이들은 부모 세대가 건설한 집단농장에서 엄청난 노동을 하면서 학창시절을 보냈다. 1953년 스탈린의 사망이후 찾아온 해빙의 물결은 고려인들의 삶의 조건도 변화시켰다. 1950년대 중반 흐루쇼프의 탈스탈린화 정책의 일환으로 고려인들의 거주제한이 철폐되자 이들은 중앙아시아를 벗어나 러시아 전역의 대도시로 진학함으로서 고려인 사회가 러시아 전역으로 확대되는 교두보를 마련했다. 2차 대전 이후 우랄지역은 대규모 공업지역으로서 대표적인 군수도시였다. 이같은 공업도시로 진학한 고려인들은 대학졸업 이후 전문직업인으로 종사하면서 러시아의 주류사회로 진입에 성공하게 된다. 그러나 개인적인 성공은 이룰 수 있었지만, 여전히 일본의 스파이라는 죄목으로 강제 이주된 민족이라는 굴레에서 자유로울 수 없었던 이들은 고르바초프의 개혁정책으로 인해 잘못이 있는 민족에서 부당하게 박해받은 민족으로 공식적으로 재평가됨으로서 사회적 위상의 변화를 겪게 되었다. 이는 소연방 와해 이후 1990년대 초반에 제정된 일련의 복권법으로 인해 법적 지위 또한 완전하게 획득할 수 있게 되어 전국적인 규모의 고려인 단체들을 결성할 수 있는 권한도 획득할 수 있게 되었으며 이와 아울러 한국과의 관계를 통해 한인으로서의 자긍심이 더욱 고취될 수 있었다. 올림픽을 통해 알려진 한국의 발전상은 고려인들에게 매우 충격적이었고, 한인으로서 자긍심을 불러일으켰으며, 고려인 단체들을 결성하는 동인 중 하나가 되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 소비에트 와해에 대해서는 친인척들이 거주하고 있는 중앙아시아와의 왕래가 불편해졌기 때문에 한결같이 매우 부정적인 평가를 내리고 있었다. 한편 1950년대 이 지역으로 이주해 간 올드타이머들과 소연방 와해 이후 중앙아시아 당국들의 민족주의 정책의 폐해를 피해 중앙아시아에서 재이주 하고 있는 새로운 이주자들 사이에 반목과 갈등이 존재하고 있으며, 이로 인해 지역 내 고려인들의 단합이 어렵고 이것이 고려인 단체가 활발하게 활동하는데 장애요인으로 작용하고 있는 점이 몹시 아쉬웠다. 고려인들은 기나긴 세월동안 수많은 역경 속에서 자신들을 러시아 내 여러 소수민족들 중 하나인 한인으로서 정체성을 유지하며 살아왔다. 이들을 우리의 필요와 잣대로서 재단하고 바라보는 것이 아니라 그들만의 독특한 역사 속에서 살아온 있는 그대로의 모습들을 이해하고 받아들이는 노력들이 지속적으로 필요하다고 할 수 있다. This paper is a study of the life history of the old Korean-Russians under the change of the Soviet Regime. The subject of the study is the old Korean-Russians about 70 years old who became a success and a role model. As a methodology, oral interview was used. The subjects of the study area are Ekaterinburg, Chelyabinck, Perm. The Koreans, who migrated to Far East Area of Russia, were forced to move to Central Asia on the charge of ‘Spies of Japan’ by Stalin in 1937. The old Korean-Russian, the interviewees, experienced a hardship through the forced moving in their childhood. The trauma has influenced throughout their whole life, and it makes them to breed the desire for a success by adjusting to the given circumstances. After the migration, they spent their student life by working enormously at the collective farms that their parents established. The reform, after the death of Stalin in 1953, brought a great deal of change in the life of Korean-Russians. When the residence- restriction law was removed they moved to metropolis of Russia, which established a bridgehead for the Korean society. After the World War II, Ural was famous for military supplies industry. The Korean-Russians, who moved to the industrial area for a higher education, entered into the main streaming of Russian life by being professionals after the college education. And Gorbachev's Perestroika changed them from the ‘sinful people’ (spies of Japan) to the ‘persecuted people’. They experienced a great deal of change in social status by this public revaluation. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, they could obtain a complete legal rights through a series of restoration laws in the beginning of 1990s. They acquired a right to establish the nationwide Korean-Russian organizations. And they could ensure their pride as Korean through the newly opened relationship with South Korea. They were astonished by the image of developed Korea through 88 Olympics. It aroused a national consciousness in their hearts and led to the establishment of many Korean-Russian organizations. In spite of this, they complained about the disintegration because it made their visiting of the relatives in the Central Asia uncomfortable. There are some conflicts between the old-timers who migrated to Ural in the 1950s and the newly migrated Korean-Russians from the Central Asia to escape the disadvantages caused by the Nationalistic policy of the government of Central Asia after the disintegration of Soviet Union. These conflicts are blocking the union of the Korean community in Russia and the active operation of the Korean-Russian organizations. Korean-Russians have kept for a long time their identity as Korean among the many minority peoples and in numerous unfavorable circumstances. Therefore it is necessary to understand them in their own particular history without evaluating them in our need and standard.

소비에트 연방정부 수립에 대한 중앙아시아 엘리트들의 대응과 ‘민족-공화국’ 경계 형성의 역학

고가영(Ko, Ka Young) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2021 슬라브학보 Vol.36 No.4

This article examines the background of the establishment of Central Asian ‘nation-republics’ in the 1920s-1930s, which is the period of the Soviet Union Building. And it also examines the process of defining the borders that determined the present five Central Asian countries. There were various responses of the Central Asian elites to the advance of the Bolshevik’s central government into Central Asia, ranging from active cooperation to extreme resistance. Nevertheless, Central Asia was integrated into the Soviet Union and was divided into each ‘nation-republic’. The intention of the central government was fulfilled in the border setting process, but the ambition and division of the local elites also worked as a factor. Looking at these processes, it seems that there is a limit to the identification of the Soviet Union with the general imperialist countries of the West. Unlike the Western imperialist countries that divided and ruled colonies for their own expropriation and economic gain, it can be evaluated that the territory and the human and material resources were divided for the development of the entire vast federal state of the Soviet Union. However, it is difficult to agree with the premise that the Soviet Union promotes the establishment of a nation-state by first creating a nation for the nation without a nation, and then creating the Soviet Union as a post-nationalist state. In the case of the Bukhara and Khiva Khanates, not only were they culturally outstanding, but they were also in the form of states, so it is difficult to see that they were only engaged in conflicts at the ethnic level, as identified by the Soviet central government. Nevertheless, the establishment of a nation-republics and the setting of the borders also promoted the centralization of the Soviet Union. The process of demarcation from above has had a profound impact on the history of Central Asia. The border making formed new identities and created new conflicts. And it created enclaves and territorial disputes that continue to this day.