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Peace studies divide into two parts, negative and positive. Both apply to the Korean peninsula. It is possible to work on both at the same time, and great progress has been made. Looking forward, much remains to be done. Positive peace presupposes negative peace; if the underlying conflict is not reasonably well solved positive peace will be a house built on sand. The word "unification" often used for positive peace, is problematic, and may itself stand in the way of unification. Unification of the Korean nation through open borders and free flow of persons, ideas, goods and services between the two Koreas is unproblematic, but unification of the two states into one is highly problematic. One state less? In that case which one, and how? Through military conquest like North Korea tried 1950-53? Or, as they also did, waiting for its collapse as a capitalist autocracy? Or, as some do in South Korea today, waiting an hoping for North Korea to collapse, like East Germany, calculating the costs without knowing the serious negative effects in Germany? Whether through conquest or collapse, this approach to unification is not peaceful. And peace has to be obtained by peaceful means.
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Supported by a virtual plethora of impact evaluations, conditional cash transfers (CCTs) have been widely promoted for their ability to simultaneously pursue short-term poverty alleviation through income support and long-term poverty reduction through human capital investments. In particular, their claim to fame lies in their perceived capacity to enable a break in intergenerational transmission of poverty. This study presents an inquiry into such capacities. First, it filters that which is “known” from that which remains assumed through a synthesis of systematic reviews. The inquiry corroborates existing research and finds that evidence concerning CCTs’ impact pertains almost exclusively to short-term effects from a handful of localized cases, providing scarce information on the programs’ alleged long-term capabilities. That is, existing evidence lacks any demonstrated effects on long-term poverty reduction and human capital enhancement—the two overriding goals of the programs. More importantly, it contributes to existing research and problematizes CCTs’ promoted long-term impact by further qualifying the “known” and by analyzing the empirical foundations of the programs’ implicit assumptions. Findings of largely untested theoretical assumptions pertaining to the human capital–social mobility nexus further challenge the basis for CCTs’ promoted capacity to enable a break in intergenerational transmission of poverty. These findings are deemed particularly relevant to developing countries in Africa and Asia and their efforts to adequately incorporate CCTs into poverty reduction strategies and policies.