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South Korea's State-led Soft Power Strategies: Limits on Inter-Korean Relations
Iain Watson 서울대학교행정대학원 2013 Asian Journal of Political Science Vol.20 No.3
The South Korean government has taken on many of Joseph Nye’s ideas as it is promotinga state-led soft power in the form of the cultural hallyu, foreign aid, and domestically, afuture-orientated rebranding of South Korea as a multicultural state. Soft power isunderstood in instrumental terms as well as in more substantive terms. This state-ledmulticulturalism has challenged widely held beliefs in ethnic homogeneity which havebeen the mainspring of national identity and national security in South Korea. Thesebeliefs have underscored inter-Korean relations as the two states officially share beliefsdespite political and ideological differences. The growing significance of such state-ledmulticulturalism in Global Korea to attract foreign workers can be linked to a myriad ofintentional and unintentional strategic issues arising from this form of state-led softpower promotion. This is particularly significant given the sensitive culture and identityacross the East Asian region.
Water Security, Riparian Identity and Korean Nation Branding in the Mekong Subregion
Iain Watson,Juliette Schwak 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2019 Pacific Focus Vol.34 No.2
Environmental security has traditionally been placed as a low politics issue ina period of increasing interdependence of transborder issues. This is occurringin the context of regional convergences between hegemonic and hydrologicalcycles. The Mekong subregional space is being constructed and representedby major donor and recipient stakeholders as a potential and proven site ofgeo-economic opportunity and risk assessment. With more stakeholdersinvolved there is more market competition for access to subregional resources.This paper argues that the engendering of donor competition is creating theneed for new strategies of state-competition and solidarity with recipientstates, which have been key to Korean Official Development Assistance (ODA)in selling the development experience. This is increasingly legitimated by par-ticular forms of strategic nation-branding techniques to generate both specificSouth–South solidarity and the sharing of the development experience throughthe managing of the opportunity costs of climate change.
Silba capsicarum (Diptera: Lonchaeidae), a newly recognized pest of chilli pepper in Java
Iain MacGowan,Aunu Rauf 한국응용곤충학회 2019 Journal of Asia-Pacific Entomology Vol.22 No.1
The lonchaeid fly Silba capsicarum is recorded for the first time from the island of Java where it is considered a potential pest of chilli pepper. The taxonomy and ecology of the species is reviewed and comparisons are drawn with Lonchaeidae attacking Capsicum spp. in the Neotropics. Initial results on the level of infestation in Java are provided.
Culture and Democratic Identity in South Korea: Contemporary Trends
Iain Watson,정형욱 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2010 Pacific Focus Vol.25 No.3
Once, optimism abounded with the democratic project, particularly in the wake of Cold War collapse. Academics and policymakers suggested that democracy was an inevitable spread of liberal ideals and institutions. Democratic change in South Korea since 1987 represented this optimism. More recently this liberal optimism has come in the form of South Korean multiculturalism. This is linked to democratisation as institutionalizing the rights of individuals and ethnic minorities. In order to understand the prospects of South Korean democracy in an age of globalisation attention needs to be focused on the relationship between the changing forms of cultural identity, questions of cultural security and democratization. This also means a rethinking of the ‘Asian’ values versus ‘Western values’ debate. Reengaging with the current tensions of changing cultural identity in South Korea may set the terms for future debates on the site and nature of democracy in South Korea.
Iain Watson,Juliette Schwak 이화여자대학교 국제통상협력연구소 2020 Asian International Studies Review Vol.21 No.1
Aspirations for sub-regional, regional and global cooperation at a bi-lateral and multilateral level over water security are strong and yet often a real or perceived gap exists between intentions and the workings of institutions. In the area of water security difficulties are often premised on tensions between national territory and national sovereignty. As a result, emphasis has been placed by decision makers on how to most effectively classify the ‘most at risk’ areas from water security issues. However, this objective itself is often separated from wider issues of economic land ownership. Yet stakeholders paradoxically have both similar and yet different understandings of what counts as territory and sovereignty. A majority of stakeholders continue to pursue a ‘realist’ or liberal approach to the spaces of national sovereignty and territory as water course or water basin. This binary assumption of territory as a specifically bounded political space is given here as a reason for limited concrete results on water security governance. Recalibrating this understanding of sovereignty, territory and security through a sociology of materialism might therefore open alternative spaces for ensuring issue-specific governance in spaces now impacted by the dynamics of infrastructure and sub-regional connectivity. By framing these tensions through the issue of territory and materialism the paper identifies gaps and strategic opportunities emerging that might potentially recalibrate the conceptual and policy debate on water security and its territorial assumptions.
From Middle Power to Pivot Power: Korea as an Arctic Observer in the Age of Eurasia
Iain Watson 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2016 Pacific Focus Vol.31 No.3
Whilst identification of Korea’s Arctic issue agenda and motives has been established, there is little examination as to determining why certain issues and partnerships are being developed at certain points in the context of regional geopolitical shifts. I argue that Korea’s role in the Arctic represents a shift in Korea’s middle power strategy from bridge nation to pivot nation. Korea’s current Arctic strategy links to a wider transcontinental strategy. As a result, conventional middle power criteria are being challenged by a strategy based on network centrality rather than “middle” structural location or resource concentration. This shift represents not just “middle power” leverage but opens potentially different understandings and expectations over what counts as middle power leverage.