http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
Global and Local Policing - Common Principles for the Future of Policing
Edmund F,McGarrell 한국민간경비학회 2004 한국민간경비학회보 Vol.3 No.-
20세기가 물러간 시점에서 경찰활동은 여러 가지의 잠재적 변화 요인에 의해 영향을 받고 있다는 사실을 발견하게 된다. 첫째 요인은 지역사회 경찰활동의 움직임인데, 이는 주로 지역의 수준에 초점을 맞추고 있다. 두 번째 요인은 국제화 그리고 테러리즘의 전세계적인 위협으로 인해 강화된 안보 의식에 의해 유발되어진 국경을 초월한 경찰활동의 움직임이다. 우선 언뜻 보기에는 이러한 경향들은 서로 다르거나 심지어는 모순적인 것으로 보일 수도 있지만, 보다 면밀하게 살펴보면 이러한 세력들과 경향들 속에 일반적인 원칙들이 존재한다는 사실을 알 수 있다. 사실, 이러한 일련의 원칙들이 경찰활동의 미래를 설명하는 데 있어 준거틀을 제공한다.<BR> 이 논문은 이러한 경향들과 일반적인 원칙들, 그리고 이러한 방식의 경찰활동을 실행하는 과정에서 나타나는 긴장들에 대해 기술하고자 한다. 이를 위해 미국 법무부의 안전한 이웃지역 프로젝트의 전략적 문제해결모델과 미국 마약단속국의 범국가적 경찰활동모델이라는 두 가지의 사례들이 이러한 원칙들과 긴장들을 보여주는데 사용되었다. 비록 사례들이 주로 미국에서의 경찰활동의 경험들로부터 추출해낸 것들이기는 하지만, 범국가적인 경찰활동에 대한 관심은 국제적인 경찰활동을 위해 여러 시사점들을 제시해 준다. 이 논문은 지역적인, 국제적인 수준 양자에 모두 관심을 기울여야 하는 필요에 의해서 야기되는 도전에 대응하기 위해 경찰기관들을 준비시키는 과정에서 도출되어질 수 있는 일련의 원칙들을 제시하는 것으로 결론을 맺는다. At the turn of the 20th century policing finds itself influenced by several potentially transformative forces. The first of these, the community policing movement, is largely focused at the local level. The second, driven by the forces of globalization and of heightened awareness due to the worldwide threat of terrorism, is the transnational policing movement. At first glance these trends may appear divergent or even contradictory but on closer inspection a common set of principles underlie these forces and trends. Indeed, this set of principles provides a framework for describing the future of policing.<BR> This paper describes these trends, their common principles, and the tensions that emerge in implementing these styles of policing. Two examples, the strategic problem-solving model of the U.S. Department of Justice"s Project Safe Neighborhoods and the U.S. Drug Enforcement"s Model of Transnational Policing, are used to illustrate these principles and tensions. Although the examples draw heavily from the experience of policing in the U.S., the very focus on transnational policing generates implications for policing around the globe. The paper concludes by offering a set of principles that can be drawn upon to prepare police agencies for the challenges posed by the need to focus at both the local, community-level and the global, international-level.
Star Search: Do Elections Help Nondemocratic Regimes Identify New Leaders?
Edmund Malesky,Paul Schuler 동아시아연구원 2013 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.13 No.1
A commonly proffered theory to explain the use of elections in authoritarian regimes is that they help identify talented young leaders who can be groomed for leadership positions. Unfortunately, due to the difficulties of obtaining data in authoritarian settings, this hypothesis has not been tested satisfactorily. We examine candidate-level data from the 2007 Vietnamese National Assembly (VNA) election and subsequent selection of candidates for top positions within the VNA and for top ministry positions. We find no evidence that vote share is associated with promotion to leadership positions in the VNA and only limited evidence for vote share association with ministerial posts. Instead, the results indicate that leadership selection takes place within the party rather than through elections. Furthermore, behavior within the assembly suggests that those who were chosen may have been selected based on their loyalty or at least pliancy to the party elites.
Single-party Incumbency Advantage in Vietnam: A Conjoint Survey Analysis of Public Electoral Support
Edmund Malesky,Paul Schuler 동아시아연구원 2020 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.20 No.1
Why do voters in single-party regimes express support for the ruling party in such large numbers? Scholars offer three sets of explanations: 1) Support is manipulated by regime leaders or falsified by frightened voters; 2) Support is due to genuine popularity or “performance legitimacy”; 3) The incumbent party holds an extreme incumbency advantage due to voters’ certainty about their candidates’ policy positions or access to state resources. Despite the impressive theoretical development in this literature, these arguments have not been subjected to a research design capable of examining the relative importance of each of these factors. We use a unique survey experiment on nearly 42,000 Vietnamese citizens over three years that reduces the threat of preference falsification and allows us to isolate voter's true preferences as much as possible. While we find some evidence for all three explanations, we find substantial support for incumbency bias. An important subset of Vietnamese voters—those inclined to vote for non-party candidates—sincerely favor the party under conditions of uncertainty about the candidates’ policy stances or experience in the legislature.