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The peasantry uprising that originated in the Gobu area in 1894, was soon joined by the Dong`hak party members and continued to spread throughout the entire country. It was very well organized, and its political moto of “Protecting the Country, and therefore Appeasing the Public(`輔國安民`)” was quite clear and strong. The moto itself clearly distinguished the 1894 uprising from any other revolt that had come before. Yet the Joseon government still perceived it as a mere `revolt,` caused by the malpractices and wrong doings of corrupted local officials. The government wished to resolve the uprising by agreeing to some of their demands,while also apprehending the leaders to neutralize their forces. On the other hand, the Gab`o Regime which seized power in June of 1894, defined this uprising as an attempted political coup staged by the Dong`hak party which tried to overthrow the government. The regime intended to delay the peasantry armies` another uprising, by expelling all the Min-house members from the government and then reinviting King Gojong`s father Regent Dae`weon-gun. Yet the Japanese decided to intervene in Joseon affairs at this juncture, and the Dong`hak Peasantry army started to engage in a second uprising. So the Gab`o regime decided to suppress them. Yet interestingly enough, the reason they claimed for suppressing the peasants, was that the Dong`hak party was preventing the Joseon society from reaching a “civilized and enlightened state.” Then the Gab`o Regime made a formal request to the Japanese for `military assistance.` It was more than a blatant cooperation between the Gab`o Regime and the Japanese, of which the latter committed massive slaughtering of the Dong`hak members, who were labelled as `enemies of the civilization,` by its own government. After the Dong`hak Peasantry war was ended, members of the Gab`o Regime interrogated the leaders of the Dong`hak Peasantry army themselves, and also directly issued their own sentences, through trials they arranged to propagate how and why the Joseon people should be enlightened, specifically in the way that fit their agenda. In the process,they claimed that the first uprising was what necessitated the establishment of the Gab`o Regime and gave birth to its reform plans. They also denounced the second uprising`s moto of “Repelling the Japanese and Promoting Righteousness(斥倭倡義)” as a threat to a `civilized society.` They even painted the Dong`hak leaders as a `political victim` of the `uncivilized Joseon society,` and tried to erase the sacrifices made by the Dong`hak soldiers, from the memories of the Joseon population. This newly established image of the Dong`hak Peasantry war based upon the idea of `Pursuing a Civilized and Enlightened State,` later continued to be reproduced again and again, by newspapers like 「Dok`rib Shinmun(“The Independence”)」 and 「Mae`il Shinmun」, which were all founded to supposedly `enlighten the public.` These two newspapers portrayed the Dong`hak Peasantry war as a `barbaric incident` that happened out of the `uncivilized` Joseon situation, and also as an `unfortunate accident` that should be avoided at all cost, for the Koreans to advance into an enlightened state. As this idea of ``pursuing civilization`spreaded throughout the Joseon society, the Dong`hak Peasantry war came to be considered as a movement that was bent upon boycotting exterior influence just for the sake of it, and as a movement that felt perfectly comfortable in retaining a toadeating attitude, while viciously opposed to the values of civilization and enlightenment.
안의삼동은 19세기 영남 지방 최고의 명승으로 각광받던 곳이었으나 오늘날에는 각 경관요소가 산재되어 전해오고 있다. 본 연구는 안의삼동의 경관구조 재현 및 명승적 가치 제고를 위해 관찬지리지에 수록된 주요지점을 추출하고 경관구조를 살펴본 결과 다음과 같은 결론을 도출하였다. 관찬지리지에 나타나는 안의삼동의 명승적 가치를 지닌 주요지점을 추출한 결과 화림동은 6개소, 심진동은 9개소, 원학동은 25개소로 확인되었다. 화림동은 누정과 형승이 각각 3개소로 나타났으며, 심진동의 주요지점은 모두 형승에 해당하는 자연물에 해당하였다. 원학동은 안의삼동 동천 중 가장 많은 요소들이 수록되었다. 화림동은 정자 중심의 경구집합형, 심진동은 계곡을 따라 분포하는 경점연속형, 원학동은 경구집합형과 경점연속형이 동시에 나타나는 복합형의 개별 분포 구조를 지니고 있었으며 각 동천의 집합적 의미구조를 살펴본 결과 지형에 따라 시각적·거리적 격리를 통해 주변과의 영역성을 달리하고 있으며, 좁은 입구와 위요된 지형은 동천이 무릉도원의 공간으로 인식되는 구조를 지니고 있었다. 또한 19세기 유람문화의 성행과 함께 효율적인 경로 모색에 의한 각 주요지점의 연계는 이전시기 개별 동천으로 인식되던 경관구조가 통합된 하나의 동천으로 확대되었으며, 이는 동일한 시점과 종점, 유람경로를 지니는 일반적인 동천의 경관전개와는 차별성을 지닌다. This study aims to reproduce of Anuisamdong's landscape structure and improve the value of Scenic site. It was extract main spot from Geography book published by government in the 19th Century. And analyzed landscape architecture of Dongcheon. Extract main spot from Geography book published by government. Consequently, Hwarim-dong main spot 6 places, Simjin-dong main spot 9 places, and Wonhak-dong main spot 25 places were identified. Hwarim-dong's main spot was divided into 3 places of pavilion and scenery, respectively. Simjin-Dong's main spots was all that natural elements as a scenery. Wonhak-dong's main spot was the most elements of the Anuisamdong in geography book published by government. Hwarim-dong was pavilion-based scenery area complex, Simjin-dong was continues scenery spot along the valley, and Wonhak-dong was hybrid distribution that landscape structure. Each dongcheon in Anuisamdong was created a separate area through isolated geographical, visually for structure of collectively means. Also, a narrow entrance and enclosure topography are areas which arouse atmosphere of paradise. In addition, Aunuisamdong's landscape structure, which was previously divided into individual Dongcheon, was expanded into a single integrated landscape structure of Dongcheon .This is different from the general landscape development of common Dongcheon with the same starting and ending points and sightseeing routes.
In 1894 the Japanese media provided an image of the Dong`hak Peasantry war for the Colonial Historians during the Japanese Occupation period. (Shisa Shinbo/時事新報( and (Gukmin Shinmun/國民新聞( in particular presented a view based upon the concept of modern civilization,and therefore formed an image of both the Dong`hak Peasantry war and the Peasantry troops. Their point of view considered Japan as a civilized country, and they perceived Joseon as a primitive country that was threatening the peace in East Asia. They also recognized the Dong`hak Peasantry war accordingly as well, as an evidence testifying to the primitive nature of the Joseon society. In short, they figured that an isolated disturbance which would have been quickly resolved as a mere happening in Japan was rather amplified in a primitive country and became in Joseon a political insurrection, an uncomplicated political incident caused not by a revolutionary political agenda but by a mere political instability that occurred inside the Joseon government. The press also demanded that Joseon be reformed after the Jeonju Truce, and emphasized the prospected role of civilized Japan in all that,and then defined the Dong`hak Peasantry troops as `good civilians.` In their eyes, the Dong`hak Peasantry war broke out because of a political instability, so when Joseon would finally be reformed, all those good people would stand down eventually. We can see that they were not perceiving the participants in the war as people who had a firm political agenda. They were seeing them only as people who had mere frustration and grudges against the government. The Japanese also argued that even the Japanese had to suppress the conservative voices which tried to block political progress, and then legitimized the Japanese troops` crushing of the Peasantry troops, as an act of aiding Joseon in its civilization process. As we can see, in 1894 the Japanese press perceived the Dong`hak Peasantry war in the context of Joseon`s own condition that was supposedly `not yet civilized,` and they defined the Dong`hak Peasantry troops essentially as the enemy of civilization. Such point of view,considering the concept of civilization above all else, was adopted by the Colonial Historians` study of the Dong`hak Peasantry war as well, during the Japanese occupation period.
본 연구는 계획적 개발사업이 강릉시의 도시공간구조의 변화에 미친 영향을 해석하는 것이다. 이를 위해서 계획적 개발사업으로 인하여 기존 도심이 쇠퇴하고 새로운 도심이 형성되는지 아니면 구도심과 신도심이 공존하는 것인지를 밝힌다. 다음으로 신·구도심이 병존한다면 이들 도심 간에 기능적 위계나 특화와 같은 공간적 질서가 형성되는가를 분석한다. 강릉시의 계획적 개발사업은 1940년대와 1970년대 도심 및 내부시가지의 토지구획정리사업, 1980년대 이후의 택지개발사업방식이 시행되었다. 1980~2005년간 도시지역의 인구가 증가한 반면 농촌지역은 인구가 감소하여 전체인구는 정체상태였으며, 가구수는 도시지역의 가구수 증가에 의해 전체 가구수도 지속적으로 증가했다. 또한 1986년 이후 전체산업 사업체수와 종사자수 모두 약 2배 정도 증가했다. 도심권은 1980년대 중앙동 및 옥천동 일원에서 2005년에는 중앙동, 옥천동, 교1동, 포남1동까지 확대되었다. 도심지역의 확산에는 포남동과 교동 지역의 개발사업이 크게 작용했다. 구도심의 인구와 산업은 1970년대 후반 포남지구 개발 이후 포남동으로 이동했으며, 1990년대 후반 교동지구 개발 이후 2000년대에는 이들 지역의 인구와 산업이 다시 교1동으로 이동했다. 이러한 과정을 통해 강릉시의 공간구조는 구도심에 집중되었던 인구와 산업이 인접한 지역으로 확산되면서 기존지역의 밀도가 낮아지는 것을 알 수 있다. 이러한 도심확산과정에는 구도심 주변지역에서 시행된 도시개발사업에 의한 시가지 개발이 매우 큰 영향을 미쳤다. This study aims to analyze the influence of urban development projects on the change of the urban structure of Gangneung-City. It analyzes whether the old civic center has been deteriorated and new civic centers have been formed, or if the old urban center can exist together with the new civic centers formed by the urban development projects. It also analyzes, if the new and old civic centers can coexist, whether the spatial order like a functional rank or specialization between the civic centers is reformed. The development projects of Gangneung-City were started with the land readjustment projects of inner city area in 1940s. The land readjustment project of Ponam district in the late of 1970s and the land development project of Gyodong district in the late of 1990s led the expansion of urban area. While the population of Gangneung-City had been stagnant from 1986 to 2005, the household had been increased steadily at the same period. In urban area, both the population and the household had increased but in rural area, the population had decreased. And the total number of firms and employees had increased by double at the same period. The civic center area had been expanded from Jungang-dong and Okcheon-dong in 1980s to Jungang-dong, Okcheon-dong, Gyo1-dong, Ponam1-dong in 2005. And the urban development projects of Ponam-dong and Gyo-dong have influenced on the expansion of civic center area. The population and industries of old civic center had been moved to Ponam-dong after the development of Ponam-district in the late of 1970s, and they have subsequently moved to Gyo1-dong after the development of Gyodong-district in the late of 1990s. The intensity of the population and the industry of old civic center have been lower and lower through the expansion process of civic center area. The new urban areas created by urban development projects around the old civic center had affected the great influences to the expansion process of civic center.
본 연구는 북촌의 가로 중에서도 특히 한옥밀집지역인 가회동을 중심으로 가로경관에 대한 이론적 고찰과 북촌 가로경관의 대한 시각적 특성에 따른 선호도의 상관관계를 밝히고자 하였다. 이에 북촌의 가장 대표적인 경관 삼청동 35번지, 가회동 31번지, 11번지를 대상으로 가로경관의 시각량과 선호도의 관계를 기술분석하였다. 또한 요인분석을 통하여 북촌가로경관의 이미지 특성의 공통요인을 추출하였고, 회귀분석을 실시하여 이미지평가와 선호도간의 관계를 파악하였다. 이에 따른 연구결과로는 첫째, 시각량과 선호도 관계에서 가회동 31번지의 가로경관이 가장 선호도가 높게 나타났으며, 북촌가로경관의 천장면과 식재의 시각량이 높을수록 높은 선호를 보이고 있었다. 둘째, 심리적인 측면에서는 북촌의 가로경관은 ``심미성``, ``쾌적성``, ``정연성``의 특성으로 설명되었으며, 가장 선호가 높게 나온 가회동 31번지와 낮게 나온 삼청동 35번지는 ``심미성`` 항목에서 많은 차이를 나타내고 있었다. 셋째, 심리변수 요인에 대한 요인점수와 선호도에 대해 회귀분석을 실시한 결과, ``심미성``을 설명하는 인자가 선호도에 가장 많은 영향을 미치고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 이에 따라 전체 경관과 조화를 이루어 지역적인 특성을 잘 살린 이용자가 만족할 수 있는 북촌의 가로 정비 방안이 체계적으로 발전되어야 할 것으로 판단된다. This study aimed to research theoretical reviews of streetscape and to analysis the correlation between visual properties and preference of streetscape in Bukchon around Gahoe-dong which is a dense Hanok area. Therefore we analyzed a relation between visual quantities and preference intended Samcheong-dong 35 street, Gahoe-dong 31 street and Gahoe-dong 11 street the representative streetscape in Bukchon. Also we extracted common factors of images of the streetscape in Bukchon and figured out a relation between the visual image evaluation and the preference by regression analysis. The result of the analysis is as follows. First, it was the streetscape of Gahoe-dong 31street which get more scores than any other streetscape in preference. And we figured out that the higher the ceiling and the visual quantities of planting the more preference. Second, streetscape in Bukchon was explained by ``aesthetics``, ``amenity`` and ``orderliness`` in psychological view. And there was noticeable difference in aesthetics aspect between Gahoe-dong 31 street the highest preferred place and the Samcheong-dong 35 street the lowest preferred place. Third, as a result of regression analysis on preference and factor scores about psychological variables, we figured out that the factor which explains aesthetics effects most on the preference.
'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.
Main character of the Anak Tomb No.3, Dong-su is from unknown family in China, but he was charged with a top position where only elite worked as in Murong(慕容) regime. That was unusual, so this researcher called his background in question. As the result of analyzing various family names-related data, Dong-su was not from China but from Nakranggun. At that time, Chinese immigrants and original settlers who are Goguryeo's descendants lived in Nakranggun, and Dong-su was also one of original settlers. Meanwhile, the history book reveals Dong-su's birthplace as Yodong. When King Micheon of Goguryeo ruled Nakranggun(樂浪郡) in 313, among residents of Nakranggun, there were immigrants who moved to Yoseo in China and they settled themselves in Nakranggun that was newly established near to Geuksung(棘城). Besides, they were immgrated in Changryeogun(昌黎郡) and Yodonggun(遼東郡). As the result, Nakrang Han family received a new domicile of Changryeo Han family, and Nakrang Dong family was changed to Yodong Dong family, which was the reason that Dong-su was expressed as Yodong. For Goguryeo that subjected Nakranggun, controlling powerful families(豪族) who were main power of Nakranggun was the main point. Goguryeo carried through the Nakranggun governance by using the graded powerful family Dong(冬) to restrain Nakranggun large family Wang(王). They received administrative rights from the Goguryeo regime, but military rights were totally under Goguryeo. Han(韓) and Wang(王) families that were ruled like this became the sacrificial lamb of the reinforcement policy of kingship and received a blow after King Jangsu(長壽王) moved the capital from Kuknaesung to Pyeongyang. The fact was turned out in inscription remaining in China through the analysis of the study. As the result, they left Nakrang for China. After that, these two families weakened as much as their trace was not found in the history of the late Goguryeo. However, some people from Nakranggun who just followed Goguryeo's rule played a important role after the late Goguryeo.
The purpose of this study was to confirm the effect of core stability exercise, dong-bang therapy, and combined treatment on reducing pain, pelvic correction and stress hormone concentration in patients suffering from sciatic neuralgia due to pelvic displacement. Middle aged(40~50age) suffering from sciatic neuralgia over 6 months were operated with core stability exercise, dong-bang therapy, and combined treatment 3 times a week for 12 weeks. VAS and X-ray was performed to collect pain scales and pelvic displacement data and cortisol and epinephrine concentration in blood were tested. 1. pain scale rate was reduced in all groups. especially, dong-bang therapy group and combined treatment group showed more directive pain reduce. 2. pelvic displacement improvement was not significant in core stability exercise group, and it was significant in dong-bang therapy group and combined treatment group. no significant difference was shown between dong-bang therapy group and combined treatment group. however, combined treatment group showed higher correction effect. 3. concentration of stress hormone was significantly increased in all groups after the first operation. after 12 weeks concentration level was reduced to same level before treatment. Dong-bang therapy and combined treatment improve pelvic displacement, and are effective treatments on reducing sciatic neuralgia due to pelvic displacement. combined treatment of dong-bang treatment and core stability exercise is considered an effective program of correction for pelvic displacement and maintenance.
Reforming the traditional religions, such as Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism, "Dong Hak" grewed spontaneously in facing with one another such as accomodation and criticism of the Western learnings and during its natural growth period it obtained envy as the ethnic religion. And during the period of the way of heaven "Dong Hak" developed as a cultural movement at the time when this conutry was under the Japanese's rules through a political movement shown in the period of its revolution not only as boycutt of the foreign influence but also as a strong ethnic consciousness. First, "Yongdam Yusa" was the Scripture written in Korean of "Dong Hak" which was autogenous by overcoming it as the main ethnic consciousness after "Yongdam Yusa" broke down the feudalism and standed against the foreign influence, and it stated that all the people are equal and the united body as its idea, and its traditional words of the song was superior to that of the Catholic in the contents of the song by consisting of 4.3 tone and 3.4 tone continued written in Korean. Second, the song of "Dong Hak" has lots of pridicted words that "Dong Hak" might be in failure, more than that of the ethnic songs that supported "Dong Hak". It was caused by the large view that at the time foreign influence might be called into the conutry according to international political situation and more as there were less knowledges of systematic idea and science and technology with which they could form a modern state although the farmers, the main force of the revlolution had a great power, It can be seen that there were demands of the age that were standing against the foreign influence. Third, The new cultural movements developed as a part of the children's movement and "Kae Byuk", one of magazines in the period of the way of the heaven, left a great merit in the history of Independence Movement. The magazine of "Kae Byuk" became originated to the professional literature but in the aspact of the poem history it was the origin of the poem of resistance and lylic poem Direction of this cultural movement, made direction after March 1st Independence Movement turned to a cultural movement. Like this, the fact or of autogeny appeared in the idea of "Dong Hak" can be confirmed as self-consciousness in wrangle against the foreign influence. This self-consciousness became a moment to harmonize the oriental unviersality and the ethnic characteristics as soon as the Western learnings was accomodated. In this meaning "Yongdam Yusa" written in Korean and the words of song of "Dong Hak" were connected to continuation of the modern poems as symptom of the modern poems.
The objective of this study was to examine the development pattern of children's literature in the 1920s, which is the formative period of children's literature, using children's narratives serialized in Dong A Ilbo. In this study, children's narratives published in Dong A Ilbo were examined from three aspects creativeness, writer and background thought. First, in the aspect of background thought, this study explained the development patterns of the nationalist line and the socialist line. This explanation was based on the assumption that the two lines confronted each other in the history of juvenile movements and previous studies on children's literature. In the results of analyzing the works of writers representing the two lines, it was found that the applied pattern was different from the confrontational pattern observed in juvenile movements and youth magazines. That is, Dong A Ilbo gave priority to the common denominator ‘children' rather than emphasizing the writers' different orientations. Second, in the aspect of writer, the narratives were divided into professional writers and non?professional ones. Professional writers were those who published many works in Dong A Ilbo, and non?professional writers were those whose contributions were selected. In this study, the writers of Dong A Ilbo were divided superficially into professional and non?professional ones through the analysis of their works, but many of those classified as professional writers were professional oral narrators of fairy tales. With regard to this, the way for children to enjoy fairy tales in those days was not only reading fairy tale books but also listening to the oral narration of fairy tales, and these ways of access fairy tales influenced children's narratives serialized in Dong A Ilbo. in the aspect of creativeness, the narratives were divided largely into creative works and non?creative ones. Creative works included works grouped as ‘creative fairy tales' and those obtained through prize contests or readers' contribution. Non creative ones were the translations of foreign works, Korean folktales, etc., and they were examined carefully in that they depicted sympathy as creative works did. The main part of the thesis explained the reason for children's narratives to spotlight sympathy in connection to Lee Gwang soo. It was explained as the result of reflecting Lee Gwang soo's theory of literature aiming to raise desirable modern subjects through the education of sentiment and sympathy.
이글의 목적은 董仲舒의 禮論을 탐구하는 것이다. 왜냐하면 동중서의 예론은 漢代 禮法觀의 범형을 구축한 그의 禮主法輔(=德主刑輔)의 구조를 이해하거나 그의 禮治시스템을 이해하는데 매우 중요한 주제임에도 불구하고 국내·외의 연구가 아직 미진한 상태이기 때문이다. 동중서 예론은 대체로 두 부분으로 정리할 수 있다. 즉 첫째는 이전 유가를 계승·인습한 부분인데, 이것은 예의 발생연원이나 등급질서에 따라 다르게 규정된 예의제도 및 그의 예론의 두 축인 文質論이다. 그리고 둘째는 문질론 중 동기강조부분과 그의 봉건등급질서구축부분이다. 이상을 통해서 우리는 동중서가 동기를 강조함으로써 진나라 이후 지속된 嚴刑峻法風土를 일신시켜 유가의 德治·禮治構造로 전환하고자 했을 뿐만 아니라, 그 이후 法 해석의 준거인 原心定罪를 산출함으로써 당시 法 적용의 풍토를 변화시키고자 했음을 알 수 있었다. 그리고 사회·정치적인 등급질서를 자연법칙인 陰陽으로 정당화시킴으로써 다시는 전국시대와 같은 혼란이나 漢初의 반란사건을 되풀이하지 않게 하며, 또 이른바 천자-신하-백성이라는 봉건등급질서와 三綱의 구조를 구축함으로써 사회 안정망을 확보하고자 했다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 그는 그래야 당시의 시대적 요청인 황제절대권과 중앙집권 및 사회의 안정을 이루어 漢제국의 長治久安이 가능할 것이라 여겼다. The goal of this article is to study Dong Zhong-Shu`s theory of rites. Despite the fact that study on Dong Zhong-Shu`s theory of rites are matter of importance in understanding not only his theory of rule of rites[禮治] but also the system of his "rites as the main and the laws as the subsidy[禮主法輔]," (or "virtue as the main and punishment as the subsidy[德主刑輔]" which constructed the model[範型] of Han dynasty` standpoint on rites and laws, studies on this subject have in much deficiency among both domestic and international scholars. Generally, Dong Zhong-Shu`s theory of rites can be arranged in two parts. The first part succeeds the traditional Confucianism: the origin of rites[禮], system of rites[禮儀制度] according to the system of hierarchy[等級制度], and his theory of wenzhi[文質論] as which are the two axis of his theory of rites. The second part is his emphasis on "motive" from his theory of wenzhi and his construction of "feudal hierarchical order[封建等級秩序]." Through the facts mentioned above, we could know that Dong Zhong-Shu, by emphasizing motive, not only tried to switch over toward Confucian rule of virtue and rule of rites from the culture of "severe punishment and harsh laws[嚴刑峻法]" which had been prevalent since Qin(秦) dynasty, but also tried to change the application of laws by arguing "sentence of guilt based on (one`s) heart[原心定罪]" which became the authority cited for interpreting laws after him. Furthermore, by justifying the social and political hierarchial order through the simile of natural order of yin and yang he wanted to make sure that the likes of chaos during the Warring States(475-221 B.C) period or repeated attempts of treason into the early Han would never happen again. Also we could know that by constructing a feudal heirarchical order of emperor-subject-people and the structure of three basic human relations(between sovereign and subject, father and son, husband and wife), Dong Zhong-Shu tried to secure a safety network of society. He thought that by doing so, he could achieve the absolute authority of the emperor, centralization of government, and a stability of society, so as to prolong the reign of Han dynasty.