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This research"s main objective was to analyze the special qualities of food culture of the Main Family in Chung-Buk through a case study on the diversified types of meals that the Main Family cooked, such as courtesy food, normal food, and seasonal food. The research identifies traditional ingredients of specialties from Chung-Buk through old literature. According to ?Sejongsillokjiriji?, there are a myriad of ingredients:, including jujube, ginseng, pine mushroom, manna lichen, persimmon, mandarin fish, crab, sweetfish, lacquer, honey, and terrapin, which represent Chung-Buk"s unique ingredients. Another reliable source, Banchandungsok , does not provide a detailed list of traditional foods, but rather a simple list. The majority of food from Chung-Buk, in Banchandungsok , consist of side dishes like kimchi and salt greens. Eventually, salt greens became diversified. As Chung-Buk is a landlocked province, people often used dried pollack. Kimchi and raw coaker were frequently used as well, and rice cakes encompassed multiple ingredients such as: jujube, mushroom, pine nut, and, dried persimmon. There were distinct differences in the diversity of food and amount of dishes used by the Main Families of Chung-Buk dependent on the ingredients and wealth of each Main Family. Chung-Buk has a landscape full of mountains, so potatoes were abundant and used to make potato Dasik. When cooking process was completed, people placed kelp on to the finished product. Seasonal foods were considered very important, especially on special occasions such as Backjoong, which was a day dedicated to laborers. These foodsprovided a good opportunity for the community to build stronger bonds by sharing rice cake and Yukgaejang with other members of the community. It is apparent that "Jeobbingac" culture, or guest culture, flourished since people in Chung-Buk are traditionally taught to leave spare food for the guest at all times.
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연구에서는 잣나무(pinus koraiensis, nut pine)와 갈참나무(quercus aliena, white oak) 그리고 폴리에틸렌(polyethylene,PE)과 폴리메타크릴산메틸(polymethyl methacrylate, PMMA)를 선정하여 ISO 5660-1의 기준에 따라 콘칼로리미터(conecalorimeter)를 이용하여 측정하였다. 측정된 값으로 Chung’s equations 1 (연기성능지수, SPI), Chung’s equations 2 (연기성장지수, SGI)에 의한 연기 위험성을 예측하고자 하였고, 이를 확장하여 화재 시 연기 위험성 평가를 표준화하기 위하여 기준물질(PMMA)을 사용하여 Chung s equations-V (연기성능지수-V, SPI-V와 연기성장지수-V, SGI-V)와 Chung sequation-VI (연기위험성지수-VI, SRI-VI)에 의한 연기 위험성을 등급화하여 평가하였다. SPI-V는 nut pine 0.73으로 가장낮았고, PE가 37.22로 가장 높았다. SGI-V에서도 PE가 0.03으로 가장 적게 나타나 연기가 가장 적게 발생하는 물질이고,nut pine이 10.00으로 가장 높게 나타나 다량의 연기가 발생하는 것으로 예측된다. SRI-VI는 PE (0.00) < PMMA (1.00)< white oak (1.44) << nut pine (13.70)의 순서로 나타났다. 따라서 PE의 연기 위험성이 가장 낮고, nut pine의 연기 위험성이 가장 높은 것으로 판단하였다. 또한 목재의 연소가 플라스틱류보다 불완전한 형태로 이루어짐을 알 수 있었다. In this study, pinus koraiensis (nut pine) and quercus aliena (white oak) and polyethylene (PE) and polymethylmethacrylate (PMMA) were selected. And it was measured with a cone calorimeter in accordance with ISO 5660-1. Withthe measured values, it was intended to comprehensively predict the risk of smoke by Chung’s equations 1 (smokeperformance index, SPI) and Chung’s equations 2 (smoke growth index, SGI). To standardize fire hazard assessment in caseof fire by extending this, standard materials (PMMA) were used to classify the smoke risk by the Chung s equations-V(smoke performance index-V, SPI-V and smoke growth index-V, SGI-V) and Chung s equation-VI (smoke risk index-VI,SRI-VI) to evaluate it. The SPI-V was the lowest with nut pine of 0.73 and the highest PE was the highest with 37.22. In the SGI-V, PE was the material that produced the least smoke with the least amount of 0.03. Nut pine is expected togenerate a large amount of smoke with the highest at 10.00. SRI-VI, it appeared in the order of PE (0.00) < PMMA (1.00)< white oak (1.44) << nut pine (13.70). Therefore, it was judged that PE had the lowest smoke risk and nut pine had thehighest. In addition, it was found that the combustion of wood was done in an incomplete form than that of plastics.
본 연구에서는 유기 단열재인 poly isocyanurate foam (PIR), poly urethane foam (PUR), phenol foam (PF)을 선정하여 ISO 5660-1의 기준에 따라 콘칼로리미터(cone calorimeter)를 이용하여 측정하였다. 화재위험성 평가를 표준화하기 위하여 기준물질(PMMA)을 사용하여 Chung’s equations-III와 Chung's equation-IV에 의한 화재위험성을 등급화하여 평가하였다. Chung’s equations-II의 화재성능지수-II 값은 PF가 14.77 s<sup>2</sup>/kW로 화재성능지수-II가 가장 높았고, PUR이 0.08 s<sup>2</sup>/kW로 화재성능지수-II가 가장 낮았다. 화재성장지수-II 값은 PF가 0.01 kW/s<sup>2</sup>로 화재성장지수-II가 가장 낮았고, PUR 이 1.14 kW/s<sup>2</sup>로 화재성장지수-II가 가장 높았다. Chung’s equations-III의 화재성능지수-III에서 PUR이 0.11로 화재성능 지수-III가 가장 낮게 나타났고, PF가 20.23으로 화재성능지수-III가 가장 높았다. FGI-III에서는 PUR이 14.25로 화재성장지수-III가 가장 높게 나타났고, PF가 0.13으로 가장 안전한 물질로 판단하였다. 그리고 Chung’s equation-IV의 화재위험성지수-IV는 PUR (130.03) >> PIR (19.13) > PMMA (1.00) > PF (0.01)의 순서로 나타났다. 따라서 PF가 화재위험성이 가장 낮고, PUR이 가장 높은 것으로 판단하였다. In this study, poly isocyanurate foam (PIR), poly urethane foam (PUR), and phenol foam (PF) of organic insulation materials were selected, and investigated using a cone calorimeter, as per ISO 5660-1. Standard materials (PMMA) were used to standardize the fire hazard assessment, and the fire risk was classified and evaluated by Chung’s equations-III and IV. The fire performance index-II value of Chung’s equations-II was the highest value with PF of 14.77 s<sup>2</sup>/kW. And the PUR was 0.08 s<sup>2</sup>/kW, the lowest value of fire performance index-II value. The fire growth index-II value was the lowest value with PF of 0.01 kW/s<sup>2</sup>. And the PUR was 1.14 kW/s<sup>2</sup>, the highest value of fire growth index-II value. The fire performance index-III (FPI-III) of Chung’s equations-III had the lowest value for PUR (0.11) and the highest for PF (20.23). The PUR showed the highest value of the fire growth index-III (FGI-III) as 14.25, while the PF exhibited 0.13 regarded as the safest materials. The fire risk index-IV (FRI-IV) value of Chung’s equation-IV was in the following order: PUR (130.03) >> PIR (19.13) > PMMA (1.00) > PF (0.01). Therefore, it was concluded that the fire risk associated with PF is the lowest, whereas that associated with PUR is the highest.
The objective of this article is to carry on the comparative study of the theory of mentality proposed by Choo-Ja and Sam-Bong Chung. It has long ceen claimed by many scholars that Toe-Kae Lee is a Choo-Ja in our country, but it is not believed to be an adequate argument. The reason why it is so is that Chung was excluded from the main Confucianism in our country at that time because his political lifehad been ended with a terrible disaster. Since Yi Dynasty had been founded on the strong Confucianistic concept of serving only one king paying absolute royalty to him. However, it must be admitted that his political life is one thing and his indivual in academic achievement is quite another. In the comparative study of Choo-Ja's neo-Confucianism anp Chung's theory of mentality, it has been noticed that there are close relationships between them. Tow-Kae Lee is often said to be a Choo-Ja in Korea and is respected by averyone, but in fact, Chung's intellectual achievement showed more close systematic relationships with Choo-Ja's idea. What Chung's rebellious activities against Koryo Dinasty, in order to found a new nation, Yi Dynasty, should not be regarded as heresy, but should be considered as a work of "save-the natirn mation movement" for the layout of a properous strong nation. Hence, his achievement should not be ignored or excluded from the circle of Confucianistic study just because he was unccessful for establishing his ideal Confusianistic Dynasty. This is why I am going to argue that the ideas of Choo-Ja's neo-Cofucianism was handed down to Chung rather than to Lee. The theory of mentalism, which is the core issues of his neo-Confucianism, was handed down to Chung rather than to Lee. The theory of mentalism, which is the core isssues of his neo-Confucianism, is the central concept of his thought and this is the base of Confucianism. From this comparative study of both scholars, let me start to correct such a mistaken notion over tow scholars.
The Han River was investigated monthly from April through Septemher, 1967 at Chunchon reservoir, Shin-yean, So-yang, Chung-pyong reservoir, Yang-soo-ri and Gi-doo-won to clarify the phytoplankton and to study its seasonal variation. At the same time, vertical distribution of phytoplankton was also studied from June through September at Chun-chon and Chung-pyong reservoir. The results obtained are as follows: As the environmental conditions, water temperature, dissolved oxygen, pH, and transparency were determined. The plankton samples collected from six stations were identified and classified by Engler's classification system. It resulted in 4 phyla, 4 classes, 3 subclasses, 13 orders, 27 families, 5 tribes, 71 genera, 222 species, 1 subspecies, 51 varieties and 2 forms. The total number of Phytoplankton identified was 276. Of them, 84 species, 1 subspecies 26 varieties, 2 forms were recorded in this paper for the first time. Considering with the habitat of the total number of phytoplanktons, the highest percentage of Limnoplankton existed in the Chung-pyong reservoir. It suggests that the Chung-pyong reservoir is becoming to have the character of lake. The planktons appeared comnonly during six months at six stations belong to Chrysophyta including 22 species in 11 genera. Among these 22 species. Navicula, consists of 6 species, was the most abundant. The number of species identified uniquely at each station were 5 species in the Chun-chon reservoir, 6 in Chung-pyong and Yang-soo-ri, 8 at Shin-yean, 11 at So-yang, and 18 at Gi-doo-won. The number of species occurred at all stations were 29 in spring, 42 in Autumn and during investigation period. The maximum production of total phytoplankton was generally shown in the late spring and the early fall with differences in quantity at six collecting stations. In the Chun-chon reservoir, the high concentration of approximately 1,190,000 cells per litter in the months of August and September was due to the increase of Chrysophyte genus, Melosira and the highest concentration of approximately 2,000,000 in July at Gi-doo-won was caused Chlorophyte genus, Secenedesmus. The Chun-chon reservoir of three years old was different from the Chung-pyong reservoir of 25 years old with respect to increase in Melosira genus in August and September. After the completion of the Ui-am reservoir, though there was an increase in total density, the number of species of phytoplankton was not changed. It suggests that Ui-am reservoir is similar to the Chun-chon reservoir under the influence of the latter. The density of total phytoplankton was generally high at the depth of 2m to 5m for the two reservoirs.
대중의 통념 속 새마을운동은 가난과 배고픔을 해결한 ‘잘 살기운동’이며, 박정희 대통령은 이를 이끌었던 지도자로 기억된다. 이러한 신화는 최근 기념관 건립을 통해 기억의 터를 마련했다. 경상북도 청도와 포항의 새마을운동발상지기념관과 구미시의 새마을운동테마공원전시관이 바로 그것이다. 청도 신도리와 포항 문성리의 기념관은 새마을운동발상지를 둘러싼 주민들의 인정투쟁과 관주도 기념의 정치의 산물이었다. 기념관을 중심으로 한 ‘새마을운동의 성역화’는 박정희에 대한 신화화였다. 구미시는 ‘종주도시’라는 추상적 개념으로 자신의 지역적 정체성을 세우고자 했다. 이는 박정희 이후에도 경상북도에서 지속되는 새마을운동의 전통과 현재성을 강조함으로써 박정희를 기념한다. 새마을운동테마공원전시관은 박정희 대통령 생가에서 새마을운동테마공원으로 이어지는 박정희 기념공간의 일부다. 이의 건립 과정은 지역 권력을 중심으로 한 기억의 상업화, 보수적 기념의 정치의 특징을 잘 드러낸다. 기념관이 보여주는 선별된 기억은 박정희, 새마을운동, 경제발전을 등치시킨다. 이는 1970년대 농촌의 몰락, 유신체제를 정당화했던 새마을운동, 박정희 독재에 대해서는 침묵한다. 경북의 세 새마을운동기념관이 재현한 새마을 운동은 일종의 ‘상상적 노스탤지어’다. Memorialized as a ‘Wellbeing Movement’, Saemaul Undong aimed at alleviating poverty and hunger with President Park Chung-hee recognized as its leader. The myth presides in the realm of memory, framed through memorials and buildings commemorating the events of that day: Saemaul Undong Memorial in Cheongdo, Pohang, and the Saemaul Undong Theme Park at Gumi, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. The memorials in Chungdo, Sindo-ri and Pohang, Moonsung-ri are products of two villages struggle and the politics of commemoration driven by the local governments’ fight for recognition as the movement’s birthplace. The two memorials redefined their cities while also shaping perceptions of Park Chung-hee’s legacy. Gumi established itself with the abstract concept of a ‘Leading City of Saemaul Undong’. After Park Chung-hee's death, Gyeongsangbuk-do province has been commemorating the concept which emphasized the tradition and nowness of sustained Saemaul undong. The Exhibition Hall within the Saemaul Undong Theme Park has memorialized Park Chung-hee extending his influence and legacy from his birthplace to the park itself. In addition, local authority’s efforts in the construction process of these memorials also expose the commercialization of memory and the conservative politics of commemoration. The selected memory related to the memorials has been identified with Park Chung-hee, Saemaul undong and economic development. There is little mention of the collapse of farming areas in the 1970s, the role the movement played in justifying the Yushin Regime, and Park’s dictatorial and heavy-handed policies. Instead, the Saemaul Undong Memorials of Gyeongsangbuk-do Province reproduce an ‘imagined nostalgia’ for a movement.
This research is intended to investigate the changing process of Chung-dong area, which is another center of Kangbuk province (the North of the Han river) of Seoul since the time of enlightenment. Chung-dong area had been the center of Hanyang, the capital city of Chosun Dynasty, also the old name of seoul, since the foundation of Chosun Dynasty. In modern times it has been a key place of modern history, playing an important role in aspects of architectural history. From 1883 that Chung-dong area experienced a rapid Change. The next change took place in 1897 when Gojong became an emperor and set up Kyongwungung as new palace. Since 1897 Chung-dong area had become to a central site of Hanyang, the capital. Then it became a very important place politically and diplomatically, and it also has been a vital international stage which was preferred by foreigners. Therefore, it began to be changed with many new buildings and facilities for foreign people. Gradually it was the main base of foreign embassies and christian buildings. However, Yi-yang-kwan(western style building) was built within the area of Duksoogung as a symbol of civilization. On this imperial family of Chosun Dynasty limited the development and the height of buildings within the area of 500 meters away from Duksoogung. Japanese government made Duksoogung degraded and finally in 1933 they opened this palace to the public and changed it Japanese style. Soon they built their government offices and had Japanese settlers come in. To establish new roads was also to destroy Korean traditional order. According to the formal record of American Embassy, there is no other street like this which recalls clearly the atmosphere of the early western buildings in the last a few decades of 19th century. Historic roads were made to be narrowed, enlarged, or closed. As a result the area of Duksoogung has been decreased. Chung-dong changed from Seodaemun-gu into Choong-gu and Chongro-gu has been in the same area, where is suffering from extreme confusion recently. Now it is difficult to find the traditional buildings of Chosun Dynasty and many of them which were built in modern times have been destroyed or had severe problems. The old building of Kyonggi Girls' high school which was a part of Duksoogung is no longer a place to be allowed to enter. The plan to build American Embassy and apartments should be reconsidered and it is time to restore Duksoogung to its original state including American Embassy site, old Kyonggi Girls' high school, Hanam Hotel and Paichai Hankdang. The area of Duksoogung has been reduced and some parts of it belong to American government. It is the right time for the authorities and NGO to get into stride for 'the movement of returning old Chung-dong'.
본 논문은 박정희 정권기 영화 정책의 중심에 위치한 국립영화제작소에 관한 연구이다. 5.16군사정변으로 권력을 장악한 박정희 정권은 대중 선전 및 계몽을 위해 영화를 적극적으로 활용하였다. 1961년 6월 22일 국립영화제작소 설치법이 제정, 공포됨으로써 국립영화제작소가 설치되었다. 이렇게 설립된 국립영화제작소는 동시기의 영화 업계의 평균적 상황에 비해 인력과 장비와 설비의 여건이 매우 안정적이었다. 국립영화제작소에서는 주로 뉴스영화와 문화영화가 제작되었으며, 장편 극영화인 <팔도강산>(1968)이 시리즈로 제작되기도 하였다. 국립영화제작소의 영화 제작 체계, 설비, 환경, 관행은 당대의 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화적 상황 및 환경과 밀접한 관계를 맺고 있다. 국립영화제작소의 영화들은 박정희 정권기 국가 권력의 성격과 정책의 방향을 반영하였기 때문이다. 그러나 국립영화제작소의 존재성은 시간이 흐를수록 점차 희미해져 가고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 그것을 통해 역사를 돌아보고 현재를 진단하며 미래를 설계하는 일은 현재를 살아가는 우리들의 몫으로 여전히 남아 있다. This article is focusing on the National Film Production which is located at the center of the film policy of Park Chung-Hee regime. After seizing power in the military coup(5.16.1961), the Park Chung-Hee regime had executed film policy enthusiastically for mass propaganda and enlightenment. So the Park Chung-Hee regime installed the National Film Production Center by law on May 22, 1961. Production environment of the National Film Production Center was even better than that of a private film corporation. The National Film Production Center had produced newsreels, cultural films, and 〈Six Daughters〉(1968) series of full-length play movie. Production system and practice of the National Film Production Center was seriously affected by politic, economy, society and culture in the 1960"s. Films of the National Film Production Center show the character and orientation of cultural policy of the Park Chung-Hee regime. The National Film Production Center was reorganized to The National Audio Visual Information Service, and is not so much influential. But, it’s still important project to study on the National Film Production Center for looking back on the history and current judging to the future.
장월중선은 박동실로부터 <심청가>와 <열사가>를 전수받았다. 그런데 이 <심청가>는 그 음악적 구성이나 사설의 변화에 있어 여타의 <심청가>와 의미 있는 차이를 보이고 있다.이 <심청가>는 기본 줄거리의 설정에 있어서는 다른 작품과 공통적이지만, 심청이 제물로 팔려나가는 설정이나 선인과의 관계, 심청이 팔려간 뒤의 심봉사가 보이는 행동, 그리고 심봉사가 눈을 뜨는 과정에 있어 상당한 정도의 차이를 보이고 있는 것이다.박동실은 이날치로부터 이 <심청가>를 전수받았는데, 이는 동편제의 판소리 개혁에 앞서 존재했던 ‘원형’ 심청가라고 할 수 있다. 장월중선은 이날치로부터 김채만, 박동실을 통하여 전수받은 고형(古形)의 <심청가>를 오롯이 그 딸인 정순임에게 넘겨주었다.박동실로부터 이어받은 <열사가>는 해방 전후에 박동실이 창작 전수한 것으로 알려져 있는데, <유관순열사가>는 오로지 장월중선을 통하여 정순임이 이어 받아 연창하고 있다. 이준, 안중근, 윤봉길의 행적을 읊은 ‘삼열사가’와 함께 이 <유관순열사가>는 판소리가 연창 가능한 영역의 확대를 실험해 보였다는 의미를 가지고 있다.박동실로부터 이어지는 <심청가>는 장월중선의 뒤를 이어 정순임만이 연창의 끈을 잇고 있다. 장월중선은 판소리 흐름의 중요한 흐름의 하나를 굳세게 유지하고 이를 후세에 넘겨줌으로써 판소리사의 단절을 극복하였다는 역사적 의미를 가지고 있다. Woljungson Chang had acquired Shimchung-ga and Yulsa-ga from Dongsil Park. This Shimchung-ga has significant differences on the musical arrangement and the plot of the story, compared with others.The basic story has the same, but there are many differences in the situation of Chung Shim being sold as a sacrificial offering, her relation with the sailors, the blind Shim's action after the separation from her daughter, and the process of opening his eyes.Dongsil Park has acquired this song from Nalchi Lee, which was ‘old’Shimchung-ga before the reformation of East stream pansori. Acquiring a solid Shimchung-ga from Chaeman Kim and Dongsil Park who had also acquired it from Nalchi Lee, Woljungson Chang gave a special study completely to her daughter Sunim Chung.Yulsa-ga from Dongsil Park is known as his original creative work after the Korean Liberation from Japan. Among them, Yugwansun Yulsa-ga is performed only by Sunim Chung after Woljungson Chang. Yugwansun Yulsa-ga has a very important meaning to open the possibility of performing pansori together with Three Yulsa-ga to chant the achievements of Jun Lee, Junggeun An and Bonggil Yun.Woljungson Chang and Aisoon Han who acquired Shimchung-ga from Dongsil Park were dead, and Sunim Chung, Woljungson Chang's daughter is performing only by herself. We can see the historical significance of Woljungson Chang keeping concretely one of most important flows of pansori, and turning over to posterity for the overcome of its interruption.
'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.
To account for the positional (final vs. non-final) asymmetry observed in elliptical contexts (Park 2005, 2013, Park and Shin 2014, Ku and Cho 2014, Chung 2015a, b, among others), several proposals have been made in the literature including An’s (2016, 2018) extra deletion approach, Ahn and Cho’s (2017a, b) repetitive gapless right dislocation analysis, and Chung’s (2015a, b) oblique merge approach. This article addresses a novel type of fragment called an elliptical contrastive topic construction (ECTC, Chung 2020) and examines which of the theories proposed thus far best accounts for the characteristics of the construction. In particular, it will be shown that neither An’s nor Ahn and Cho’s theory properly captures certain important syntactic and semantic properties of the ECTC, while there is some room for Chung’s approach to accommodate them.