The Human Relations Theory

Choung,Woo Il(鄭宇一) 국민대학교 법학연구소 1983 法政論叢 Vol.5 No.1

民營化(Privatization)에 관한 硏究

鄭宇一(Woo Il Choung) 성곡언론문화재단 1991 성곡논총 Vol.22 No.-

행정통제의 이해 구자용 저

정우일 ( Woo - Il Choung ) 한국행정연구원 1995 韓國行政硏究 Vol.4 No.4

地方自治實施 成敗의 期待에 대한 實證的 分析

鄭宇一 한양대학교 사회과학대학 1988 社會科學論叢 Vol.7 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the degree of an expectation of the people in Korea over success and failure in enforcing the local autonomy. It proceeded from the assumption that the mode positive its expection or behavior may be about the enforcement and the more solid the institutionalization can be, the more reliable local autonomy can be settled down. After referring to literatures concerning the subject matter, an interesting model was suggested in this paper for the effectiveness of local autonomy and then empirically tested. The author sellected accordingly twelve independent variables (i.e., individual characterrstics, institutional aspects and conscious aspects of participation) regarded important variables that could have a great influence on the expectation of its success and failure (Y : dependent variable). Our research team made a comprehensive survey of the degree of the people's expectation regarding the enforcement of local autonomy on 2600 persons throughout the country except for Jeju Do for one month from Jan. 15 to Feb. 15, 1988. Of course, each of them was interviewed with a questionaire developed by the team. However, Only 2382 responses out of them clould be utilized for the purpose of this paper. The statistical techniques to analyze them are frequency distribution , .X²-test, new, regression, pearson correlation coefficients and path analysis. According to the empirical findings, most independent variables besides ?? appear to have a direct relationship with Y. On the other hand, variables as to individual characterrstics flings out a cause-effect relationship directly with institutional and participative aspects rather than the dependent variable ?? In other words, clear distinction of administrative works and functions between central and local government, transferrence from a portion of national revenue to local government, stipulation of the position of local councilmen as a honoary post, publicity of local council and committees and positive opinion of the people on the establishment of new local taxes to ease financial problem appear to be positive at the expectation of the people over its enforcement. Instead, the knowledge degree regarding local autonomy' gave a negative inflecence to its success and failure. Finally, it may be git·on as a conclusion that the government should expend a great effort to create and improve institutional devices and management stiategies appropriate for Korean society so as to bring an substantial effectiveness of the local autonomy into full play. Moreover, the government also has not only to show the people a concrete plan for local autonomy but also, to induce its participation of the people so that she can collect all wisdoms of the people through public hearings and etc.

한국 산업금융지원의 효과에 대한 고찰

정우일,이희창 한양대학교 사회과학대학 2000 社會科學論叢 Vol.19 No.-

The purpose of this research is to investigate its effectiveness in the process of Korean economic growth as to whether industrial credit policy has properly played an important part as a significant measure to improve Korean industrial economy, and then, to provide valuable aid to the economic policy making in days to come. For this study, the financial statements analyses of 34 years, through 1964 to 1997, are examined thoroughly to offer political suggestions. Especially, our main concern is to analyze the negative and positive influences of the credit policy on their economic growth with the comparative studies of industrial sectors, firms and industrial classifications, respectively, supported by the credit policy. Putting all research findings together, it is undeniable that favored industrial sectors grow up in export business to some degree by an excessive financial intervention of the government. On the other side of the coin, it should not overlook that the financial support can also cause a weakening in their industrial growth potentiality. As compared with service sectors received less financial support from the government, it appears by and large that the financial support proves fruitless in functional oriented sectors and seems to be no better than before, no matter how improved its inefficiency may be gradually. In a word, this paper shows that the financial supporting policies of the government has not been properly conducive to the improvement of the supporting policy in effective usefulness and, thereby, the efficiency of Korean industrial policies. Therefore, an conclusion may be safely given that political alternative measures should be strongly tried to find a solution to a productive management of the industrial credit support.

韓國 公務員의 行政統制態度에 관한 實證的分析

鄭宇一 한양대학교 사회과학대학 1987 社會科學論叢 Vol.6 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to test the internal democratic model theoretically developed by this writer as to how the model can reduce abuses of bureaucratic power expansion. Neither external political onctrol nor controls internal to bureaucracy seem to be sufficient to ensure administrative responsibility. Therefore, the new control model concerns itself with such essential requirements of democratic society(independent variables) as non-hierarchy, democratic leadership, representativeness, citizen participation, public unionization and publicity. An assumption for this model is that one's democracy is likely to breed other's democracy. The reserch methods to prove the suggested model are ch9i-square, factor analysis, pearson correlation coefficient and new regression analysis. The sample-size is about 210 persons randomly collected from General Accounting Office, the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Finance Ministry and the Ministry of General Affairs. The reserch finding shows that the internal democratic control model is quite sueful for securing responsible governmental bureaucracy and, thereby, reducing abuses of bureaucratic powers and maing external controls effective. Indeed, much reserach will be needed to generalize the model.

國際去來 所得移轉 : 재무요인을 중심으로

정우일,임병국 한양대학교 사회과학대학 2001 社會科學論叢 Vol.20 No.-

Since launch of the Worlds Trade Organization(WTO) system in 1995, free flow of capitals between countries has been institutionalized and a 'single global market' has been formed, resulting in 'hyper-competition' between multinational enterprises(MNEs). MNEs have conducted activities over the borders. However, the political borders actually exist and each countries is now trying to secure sound national finance. The prupose of this study is investigate the practical effects of factors determining Korean MNEs' international transfer price on income transfer and to propose tax policies for attracting foreign MNEs and their income into Korea.

民營化(privatization)에 관한 硏究

鄭宇一 한양대학교 사회과학대학 1990 社會科學論叢 Vol.9 No.-

行政統制의 方向 : Interaction Theory Interaction theory 中心으로

鄭宇一 한양대학교 사회과학대학 1983 社會科學論叢 Vol.2 No.-

There has been a long dispute in the literature of public administration about the controt of bureaucracy. Some years ago, Lord Hewart frightened many with his description of administrative powers as creating the "New Depotism". The root of the problem Heart sees as the increasing amount of dolegated legislation and power to adjusticate which belongs to the modern civic service. Later, James Burnham foretold the rise of a managerial class in business and government which would be a new oligarchy in society. Robert Michels, wrote about the "iron law of oligarchy" as a tendency inhibiting drmocratic controls in all organizations. Hayek and Mises have also argued chat the modern welfare state would place our liberties at the mercy of newt bureaucracies. In general some see internal self control as the only feasible technique for limiting bureaucratic rower, and are not overly suspicious of the intentions of the bureaucrats. Neither increased profcisionalization of the public work force not increased emphasis on so called scientific methods of management have provided greater control of bureaucracy or made it more representative of the public at larse. Allen Schick has emphasized the common themes of the pluralist concerning bureaucratic representation in the United States. In the bureaucratic state, politics and administration are united by interest group brokers who traffic between the bureaucracies and the people, and weave comples clientle-congressional-bureau relationships for the purpose of channelling public enterprises into the service of private interest. Indeed, administrative expansion requires measures of coordination as well as supervision and control. What are the principal means to secure responsible governmental bureaucracy. How will the political controls over bureaucracy affect its democratic self control. Each control has its shortcomings, limitation and disaadvantages and the cure is often more damaging the disease it is intended to remedy. How can the differences between the chief executive and the legislature to control go sernmental Bureaucracy be made compatible? As Gortner noted, the problem that we face is one of cefining the difference between the responsivencess of the bureaucracy that the control of the bureaucracy. The major theme of this study is to explain how the internal democratic control system within bureaucracy can reduce abuses of bureaucratic power and make external controls effective. A second theme is that inefficient and closed external controls also can impede development of internal democratic control systems within bureaucracy. Our emphasis will be the bureaucracy-environmaent interaction. Chapter Ⅱ wi11 describ the definition and bureaucratization of bureaucracy. Chapter Ⅲ will review various models and theories concerning cantrol mechanisms over the polder expansion of bureaucracy. Chapter Ⅳ will demonstrate the need for control mechanisms over bureaucracy and relations with external control groups. In the other world, bureaucracy is not immune from the stresses and strains of its external control forcess. Chapter Ⅴ will explain that a fundamental solution may be not how to use bureaucracy to control bureaucracy but how to control bureaucy itself in derrocratic way. It was interesting to see that the attempts by external control forces to control Bureaucracy invariable lead their own bureaucratization. My final argument is that neither external political controls nor controls inetrnal to bureaucracy seam to be sufficient to ensure administrative reiponsibility. And then it is to point out that the concept of the intarnal democratic control system concerns itself with an essential requirement of democratic society and is a potentially effectiveness of controlling administration and of improving the effectiveness of external political controls. This is certainly a cheaper form of control and the most efficient in that it can prevent grevent grievances rather than merly correcting them ex post facto. In concluding, this papar is argued with the question as to "under what conditions can the control system by affected by external forces and environment."

官僚制의 責任性과 責務性의 槪念定立에 관한 硏究

정우일 한양대학교 사회과학대학 1996 社會科學論叢 Vol.15 No.-

This paper has attempted to give a concrete form to the concepts of responsibility and accountability to develop appropriate mechanisms for securing responsibile and accountability government. In the first, responsibility is that of explicability. A person's conduct is responsibile if it is susceptible to rational explanation and, furthermore, if it is conditioned upon an attempt to obtain the relevant facts, upon deliberation, and upon consideration of, and due regard for, the consequences. The second meaning of responsibility means accountability in the sense of answerability. Accountability is called a means for responsibility. Given the increasing responsibility of the modern administrative state, there is a concurrent need for increasing its public accountability through a wider range of both internal and external controls. Even if ways are found to make the public accountability of public officials more effective, there are likely to arise even more profoundly intractable conflicts because various different concepts of accountability conflict, and because the different bodies to which public officials are responsible conflict. Such conflicts are true of responsibility. Thus this paper tries to show a solution to the complex nature of holding individual officials responsible and accountable in a modern state. In addition, how can responsible and accountable administration be achieved? First, this paper insistes that the public must show courage and accept the sacrifices necessary to protect responsibility and accountability. In fact, there is so little treatment of the idea of the public in public administration. Although there are no generally agreed-on theories of the public, there are perspectives. So this paper argues that contrasting and contradictory notions of the public are the real source of differences in perspectives as to how best to study or practice public administration. And also, every effort should be made to ensure that elected representatives and responsible public servants are held accountable for the proper conduct of their tasks. Of course, the capacity of a nation's political system to prevent, detect, punish and control the abuse of power and authority will have a direct bearing on the legitimacy of a regime and will no doubt to strengthen the moral basis of its governing authority. Then Accountability for and responsibility in holding public office can then be expected from our public servants. Finally, this paper raises several questions and has full discussions on the subjects. Do we have clear standards and requisites of performance for our public servants? To what extent do governments have limitations to implement responsibility and accountability? To what extent do political leaders interfere with bureaucracy for the promotion and protection of responsible administration? What should we do to improve bureaucratic responsibility and accountability? Why do we need the balance between responsibility and accountability?