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      • KCI등재

        『고려사(高麗史)』 소재 발해관계(渤海關係)기사의 검토

        이효형 ( Lee Hyo Hyeong ) 부경역사연구소 2002 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.11

        The purpose of this paper is to examine the articles related with Palhae in Koryosa in great details. The result is as follows. The articles related with Palhae printed in Sega(世家) of Koryosa were chiefly the exile articles of Palhae descendants into Koyro(高麗) for nearly 200 years (from the year of 925 to the year of 1117). In addition to that, the relationship of Heunglyo(興遼) and Daepalhae(大渤海) built by Palhae descendants to Koryo and the international relationship of East - Asia in those days surrounding these countries were included. And the articles about the activities of Palhae descendants communicating secretly with Koryo also appeared to the considerable amount. The articles related to Palhae in Yeoljeon(列傳)are diversified. The most of them is about the ones of Palhae descendants working in the society of Koryo. Though Palhae - related figures were not recorded in Yeoljeon independently, each article deserves to be noticed. Some Palhae - related articles appear in Ji(志) and Pyo(表). Though they do not give much help in understanding the history of Palhae for being very fragmental, each of them has some important meaning considering the very lack of the study materials on the history of Palhae. Koryosa is not the history book written in Koryo the dynasty followed after the destruction of Palhae in the view of the history of Palhae. It was published 500 years after the country destroyed. If Samguksagi(三國史記) and Samgukyusa(三國遺事) written in Koryo Period arranged the history of Palhae and described facts clearly, the value of Koryosa as a historical material would drop much relatively. Though Koryosa is the secondly material in the strict meaning, it has the value as the most basic historical material in the character of the materials on the present study of the Palhae history. Finally, even though Koryosa lacks the completely explaining Palhae history, the value of historical material to the study of family names of Palhae, political system, the relation of Palhae and Palhae descendants with Koryo, the rehabilitation movement of Palhae and international situation of East - South Asia, the perception of Palhae in Koryo Dynasty, the exile of Palhae descendants into Koryo and the treatment to them have very important meaning comparable to any history book. In addition, it is of much importance to examine how Koryo perceived of Palhae through the Palhae - related records of Korysa. Even though Palhae was perceived differently in the passing of time, the former part of Koryo is thought to have arisen strongly the perception as the same ethnic group judging from various sources.

      • KCI등재후보

        고려시대 발해ㆍ발해 유민 인식의 추이

        이효형(Lee Hyo-Hyeong) 부산경남사학회 2004 역사와 경계 Vol.53 No.-

        This article aims to look about the transition of recognition of Parhae and Parhae descendants in Koryo. Conclusively, it is clear that the recognition had been gone changes according to the internal and external circumstances and the individual positions, though they does not be classified explicitly by the time. In early times of Koryo, there were tendencies to include Parhae into Korean history. Most notably, the consciousness of kind appeared remarkably under the reign of Taejo. Some has noticed that Parhae was merely a neighbouring country bordering Koryo in that time. But Koryo had the sense of homogeneity enough to comprehend a large number of Parhae descendants. At the same time, it seems that Choi Seung-Ro shared Taejo's notion of Parhae and Parhae descendants, since he had appreciated the policies of Taejo. Thus, the reason that Koryo did not meet five times aid requests of Heungryokuk established by Parhae descendants would be a result of Koryo's foreign policy which attached great importance to the actual profits. In the middle times of Koryo, the competing recognition of Parhae and Parhae descendants appeared in 12th century. Seo-Keung recognised Parhae to be a part of Korean history in his Koryodokyeong, whereas Kim Boo-Sik did not include it in Korean history in his Samkuksaki. The remarkable fact is that Yoon Eon-I who had lived at the same time as Kim Boo-Sik comprehended Parhae into Korean history in opposition to him. On the other hand, Koryo did not regard Daeparhae established by Ko Young-Chang to be a same blood. In short, it is probable that Koryo's sympathy with Parhae descendants had been increasingly weakened over time. In the late times of Koryo, those recognition had been varied. As for Ilyeon, he recognised Parhae as a part of Korean history according to his Yeokdaeyeonpyo and Samkukyoosa, even if there were questionable parts. In comparison with Ilyeon, Lee Seung-Hyu not only regarded Parhae as a heir of Kokuryo, but treated heavily the exiles into Koryo of Parhae descendants. A special case is Lee Je-Hyun, who at first had resembled the notion of Choi Seung-Ro but gradually rather changed it. And the prose collections of Lee Saek, Cheong Mong-Ju, etc., show that they also comprehended Parhae as a part of Korean history. On the contrary, Choi Hae who had been influenced by Choi Chi-Won tended to exclude Parhae from Korean history.

      • KCI등재

        발해 부흥국가와 고려의 발해 계승의식

        이효형(Lee Hyo-Hyeong) 부산경남사학회 2006 역사와 경계 Vol.60 No.-

        Since Palhae is generally considered the nation which succeeded to Koguryo, the history of Palhae can be naturally included in that of Korea. In China, the history of Palhae and Koguryo is argued to be included in that of China. In this arguing situation between the two nations, it makes a difference whether reconstructed Palhae countries and Koryo had the consciousness of succession to Palhae or not. It enables us to set the history of Palhae in the point of view of the whole Korean history. The abstract of this study is as follows. Firstly, this study is on the consciousness of the succession to Palhae of reconstructed Palhae countries. According to Songsa(宋史) Jeonganguk clearly had the consciousness of the succession to Palhae, and Palhae to Koguryo. Jeonganguk used the tradition of reign-title as Palhae, which suggests the possibility that it has succeeded to the tradition of Palhae. Heungryoguk was founded by Daeyeonrim, who was a descendant of Daejoyoung who had founded Palhae. It is considered that Heungryoguk is one of the succeeding countries of Palhae in the point that one of the successors of Palhae kingdom founded this nation. This nation also used the tradition of reign-title, which shows it succeeded to the treadition of Palhae. DaePalhae is one of the revived countries which was founded by a group of people whose main founder was Koyoungchang. DaePalhae can be estimated one of the reconstructed Palhae contries in the points that the name of the country is mostly charted by the name Palhae and the main founder was one of the drifting people from the falling of Palhae whose forefathers were from Koguryo. Secondly, this study is on the consciousness of the succession to Palhae of Koryo. The consciousness of the succession to Palhae in the whole history of Koryo is not conspicuously presented by the way of recorded documents. Koryo put emphasis on the succession to Koguryo rather than to Palhae. The reason for this is that the national policies of Koryo is more easily established by the consciousness of the succession to Koguryo rather than to Palhae. The early history of Koryo presents a relatively higher possibility of the consciousness of the succession to Palhae than the middle history of Koryo, the late history presents some internal consciousness of the succession to Palhae. In today's study of the history of Palhae, the most controversial problem is that to which country the history of Palhae is subjected. The purpose of this study is nothing but to suggest one of the solutions of this problem. Not any country asserted that it had succeeded to Palhae after its falling. Lio(遼) and Jin(金) are not the successors to Palhae even though they had been founded in the same geographical area as Palhae. Only the reconstructed Palhae countries and Koryo had the consciousness of the succession to Palhae. Therefore the history of Palhae belongs to that of Korea.

      • KCI등재

        전통 누룩 발효과정 중 품질 및 항원성 변화

        이효형(Hyo-Hyung Lee),이진형(Jin-Hyeong Lee),고유진(Yu-Jin Ko),박미화(Mi-Hwa Park),이정옥(Jeong-Ok Lee),류충호(Chung-Ho Ryu) 한국식품영양과학회 2009 한국식품영양과학회지 Vol.38 No.1

        본 연구에서는 발효과정 중 누룩의 일반성분 및 효소 활성변화를 측정하고, 단백질의 분해정도와 밀 단백질에 민감한 환자의 혈청과 반응성을 관찰하였다. 누룩의 수분함량은 발효 1일 24.20%였으며 발효가 진행됨에 따라 미생물의 이용과 증발로 인해 감소되어 발효 15일에는 13.60%를 나타내었다. 누룩 발효 중 총당과 환원당의 함량은 발효시간이 경과함에 따라 증가하는 경향을 나타내었다. 누룩의 발효 초기조단백질 함량은 1.58%였으나 발효가 진행됨에 따라 다소 증가하여 발효 15일에는 2.05%로 나타났다. 또한 누룩의 조지방 함량은 발효 초기 1.32%였으며 발효 15일에는 2.24%로 다소 증가함을 나타내었다. α-Amylase 활성은 발효 초기 1,416.67 U/g에서 발효 15일에는 2,833.00 U/g으로 급격히 증가하였으며, glucoamylase 활성은 발효 초기 497.90 U/g에서 발효 10일 경과 후 705.40 U/g으로 최대 활성을 보였으나 그 후 완만한 감소를 나타내었다. 누룩의 산성 protease 활성은 발효 초기에는 검출되지 않았으나 발효 10일에 75.00 U/g으로 급격히 증가하기 시작하여 발효 15일에는 327.00 U/g에 도달하였으며 중성 protease 활성도 발효 10일에 90.00 U/g으로 급격히 증가하기 시작하여 15일에는 354.00 U/g로 검출되었으며 이후에도 계속 증가하였다. 반면에 알칼리성 protease 활성은 검출되지 않았다. 발효가 진행됨에 따라 누룩 중 고분자 단백질이 각종 미생물에 의해 분해되어 저분자의 펩타이드 밴드가 생성되었으며 밀 민감성 환자의 혈청과 반응하는 밴드도 점차 감소하여 발효 15일에는 거의 검출되지 않았으므로 누룩 중 밀 단백질의 항원성이 감소하였음을 확인할 수 있었다. 따라서 본 연구를 통해 누룩은 영양학적 측면뿐만 아니라 효소학적 측면의 장점까지 겸비한 효율적인 한국 고유의 발효 식품용 스타터(starter)로써 전통주 제조에 필수적이며, 누룩의 고분자 단백질이 발효에 의해 저분자 펩타이드로 분해됨을 확인함으로써 밀 민감성 환자들을 위한 다양한 가공식품용 소재로 활용이 기대된다. Wheat is the most widely cultivated cereal and an important source of dietary protein worldwide. Wheat allergy, defined as an adverse immunologic reaction to wheat, encompasses a broad spectrum of disorders with different pathomechanisms and clinical manifestation. The Nuruk, a traditional Korean Koji for brewing, was made with wheat flour and fermenting microbes such as bacteria, yeast and mold. The strains grown on Nuruk secrete various enzymes as amylase and protease. By the activation of such enzymes, starch and proteins in Nuruk are hydrolyzed to sugar and amino acid. Therefore, it is supposed to reduce allergic proteins in wheat. To study quality properties and degradation degree of allergenicity in Nuruk by fermentation, we investigated the changes of general ingredients and allergenicity in Nuruk during fermentation. Moisture contents was decreased from 24.2% to 13.6% during fermentation. Crude lipid and protein contents were gradually increased during fermentation. After 15 days of fermentation, reducing sugar and total sugar contents were reached its maximum level, and they were 27.45% and 39.00%, respectively. Acid and neutral protease activity were significantly increased during fermentation, but alkaline protease activity was not detected. α-amylase activity was gradually increased and showed maximum level about 2,833.00 U/g after 15 days of fermentation. Glucoamylase activity was the highest level about 497.9 U/g after 10 days of fermentation. The increase of these proteolytic and saccharogenic enzyme activities will provide efficient condition for production of rice wine. Also, protein fractions were isolated from Nuruk, and degradation of these proteins during fermentation were confirmed by SDS-PAGE. IgE immunoblotting using patient's sera with wheat allergy was performed to confirm allergenic protein in Nuruk. These results as fermentation of Nuruk will provide a useful tool for developing safer wheat products to prevent wheat allergy.

      • KCI등재

        渤海의 멸망과 遺民의 諸樣相 : 東丹國 관련 渤海遺民을 중심으로

        李孝珩(Lee, Hyo-Hyeong) 백산학회 2005 白山學報 Vol.- No.72

        The purpose of this article is to try to examine the process of building and destroying East-Qidan(東丹國) and the nature of the nation and to try investigate many trends of Palhae Descendants under the rule of East-Qidan. Palhae was destroyed by the invasion of Qidan in 926. East-Qidan was built in the territory of Palhae right after Palhae was destroyed. East-Qidan is not the nation succeeded by Palhae. The term ‘he second Qidan’ is likely to be more suitable. The various movements of Palhae Descendants can be observed under the rule of East-Qidan. First, there were Palhae Descendants who were actively participating in the governing system of East-Qidan. For example, representative figures were Daesohyeon(大素賢) · PalhaeNosang(渤海老相) · Komohan(高模翰) who were nominated in the high rank of East-Qidan. Second, there were many Palhae Descendants who did not actively participate in the rule of East-Qidan and who didn't resist the rule of East-Qidan. Third, there were Palhae Descendants who strongly resisted the rule of East-Qidan. The activities of these Palhae Descendants are connected with the building of Hungryo(興遼) and Daepalhae(大渤海). Fourth, there were many Palhae Descdndants who moved and lived in the other area of Qidan because of the policy of Qidan. Fifth, there were many people among Palhae Descendants who took refuge in China, Korea and Djurchin. The important tasks to be solved in the history of East-Qidan are to clarify the relationship among East-Qidan, Post-Palhae(後渤海) and Jungan(定安國). That is because the existing duration of East-Qidan and these two countries are similar and these three countries bring about much confusion of the activities of Palhae Descendants. It is more important to reestablish the various relationship of the Palhae Descendants who lived in three countries. Furthermore, it is necessary to comprehensively understand the various relationship of the Palhae Descendants in terms of the contemporary East Asian in a broader sense.

      • KCI등재

        발해 유민사 관련 고고학 자료의 검토

        이효형(Lee hyo hyeong) 고구려발해학회 2015 고구려발해연구 Vol.52 No.-

        근래에 들어 발해 고고학의 연구성과는 괄목할 만하다. 발해 고고학과 관련된 다수의 개별 논문은 물론이고 저서, 발굴보고서의 출간이 이어지고 있다. 그럼에도 발해 멸망 이후의 유민사와 관련된 고고학적인 연구 성과는 아직도 눈에 띄지 않는다. 물론 올야성(兀惹城)의 위치를 찾아보려는 약간의 노력이 엿보이기도 하나 발해 유민사라는 입장에서 접근한 고고학 연구 성과를 찾기는 힘들다. 이에 발해 유민사와 관련된 고고학 자료의 정리와 검토가 필요한 시점이라고 생각돼 이 글을 작성하였다. 발해사도 마찬가지지만 발해 유민사 연구에서 고고학 자료의 가치는 남다르다. 갑자기 새로운 사서가 발견되지 않는 한 소략한 문헌자료를 보완할 방법은 현실적으로 고고학의 도움밖에 없기 때문이다. 러시아와 몽골 학자들이 공동으로 발굴한 몽골의 Chintolgoi 성 유적에서 발해 유민이 멀리 몽골 지역에까지 끌려가 발해인의 우수한 기술을 거란에 전수한 역사적 사실을 고고자료로 확인할 수 있었다. 러시아 Koksharovka-1 평지성 유적 역시 발해가 멸망한 뒤 안변부의 유민들이 반요(反遼) 투쟁을 계속 이어가면서 상경의 태묘(太廟)를 모방해 설치했던 건물지일 가능성 제기돼 고고자료의 중요성이 다시 부각되었다. 발해 유민사 및 그와 관련된 고고자료에 대해서는 동아시아 각국들이 많은 관심을 갖고 주의 깊게 바라보고 있다. 앞으로 더 많은 고고 발굴, 조사와 출토유물에 대한 정치한 분석을 통해 유민사가 체계적으로 정리돼야 할 것이다. 특히 발해 부흥운동의 주요 활동 근거지였던 중국에서의 유민 관련 고고조사 및 발굴이 활발히 진행돼 연구 성과가 더 많이 공개되기를 기대한다.

      • KCI등재

        渤海遺裔 大集成의 出自와 정치·군사적 활동

        이효형(LEE Hyo-hyeong) 고구려발해학회 2013 고구려발해연구 Vol.45 No.-

        발해가 926년 거란의 침공으로 멸망하자 유민들의 양상은 다양하게 펼쳐졌다. 이 가운데 고려로 이주하는 자는 발해 세자 대광현을 비롯해 수만이 넘는다. 그럼에도 유민 후예들을 추적하기란 쉽지 않다. 대 혹은 태씨 성을 통해 겨우 10여 명을 확인할 수 있을 정도다. 고려 사회는 어느 왕조보다도 내투, 귀화자가 많았던 사회다. 그러나 이들이 지역적 기반과 혈연적 유대를 통해 자기 세력을 키워나가기란 매우 어려웠다. 그러한 사회에서 경계인의 피가 흐르는 발해계 大(太)集成이 어떻게 하여 守司空이라는 관직에까지 오를 수 있었는지를 여러 각도에서 조명하는 것도 의의가 있을 것이다. 대집성(?~1236)이라는 역사적인 인물을 올바르게 탐구하려면 출생, 청소년기, 장년기, 노년기 등으로 나눠 심층적으로 살펴봐야 하나 발해·발해 유민사에서 늘 그러하듯이 대집성에 대한 연구자료의 부족은 1218년부터 1236년까지의 18년에 해당하는 기록만 가지고 삶의 궤적을 좇아가야 하는 한계성을 갖게 되었다. 때문에 장년기 이전의 출생, 부모에 대해서는 제대로 알 수가 없는 상황이라 出自부터 논란이 있다. 우리는 13세기를 치열하게 살다간 발해 유예 대집성의 사례를 통해 발해와 고려 사이에 가로놓인 경계인·주변인의 한계를 벗어나 진정 고려인이 되어 가는 과정을 목격할 수 있다. 하지만 당시 왕보다 더 강력한 권한을 행사하는 무신집권자 최우의 신임과 혼인관계 속에 승승장구하던 그와 그를 축으로 하는 대씨 집안도 대집성의 사후 10여년 뒤 권력 추의 이동과 맞물리면서 일족이 쉽게 무너지는 또 다른 한계성을 엿보게 된다.

      • KCI등재

        발해 유민의 大渤海건국과 고려와의 관계

        李孝珩(Lee, Hyo-Hyeong) 백산학회 2002 白山學報 Vol.- No.64

        The purpose of this paper is to examine the development process of independence movements of Daepalhae(大渤海: the year of 1116), the country which Palhae(渤海: the year of 698~926) perished and its descendants built, and the political environments of East Asia of those days. Also, it is to discover the relations of Daepalhae and Koryo(高麗) and the historical meanings of Daepalhae independence movements within East Asia. The leading figure of Daepalhae was Gaoyongchang(高永昌: ?~1116). He led independence movements together with Palhae descendents in the district of Liaoyang(遼陽), the Eastern Capital(東京) of Liaodong(遼東) in the year of 1116 against strict rule of Qidan(契丹). He was called Emperor, using even a reign-style and exercised a great influence by occupying the broader territory around Liaodong. To make us surprising, this country only used the name of Palhae among the independence countries built by Palhae descendents. Therefore we can easily find that this country was the independence movements country which clearly had the consciousness to succeed Old Palhae. However, this country failed to catch up the change of new international environments and collapsed by Jin(金) arisen newly instead of Lio(遼), the original governing country in the May of 1116. Meanwhile, the relations of Daepalhae and Koryo are largely divided into three. First, the relations of Koryo envoys and Daepalhae, second, the matter of Palhae descendants's exile into Koryo followed by the destroyed of Daepalhae, and third, the matter of Boju(保州) which appeared under the influence of the war of Lio against Jin and the independence movements against Daepalhae. Having relations with these diversified parts contrary to the general expectations shows that the relations of Daepalhae and Koryo are also very important, just like the relations of negotiation and confrontation of Silla․Palhae(新羅․渤海). Even though the independence movements of Palhae descendants failed in so a short period like 5 months, they have significant meanings in that it was the last country in Liaodong our people left outside of the Korean Peninsular. And we think it meaningful for Palhae descendants to have lived with having some relations in many parts with southern Koryo. But we must be cautious that the failure in the independence movements of Daepalhae brought the last moment old Palhae districts were entirely occupied by other peoples. In the process of the historical development of East Asia in the 12th century, Daepalhae Independence Movements were simply not the history of Palhae descendants. They firmly planted the existence of Daepalhae in the development process of the whole history in our country. At any rate, even though this paper does not examine the relations with Daepalhae and Koryo as deeply as I intended in the situation of complicated diplomatic relations of East Asia in earlier 12th century, I hope this paper will be a little helpful in the understanding of East Asia surrounding Daepalhae.

      • KCI등재

        발해 문화의 고려 전승

        李孝珩(Lee, Hyo-Hyeong) 백산학회 2003 白山學報 Vol.- No.67

        The culture of Palhae is composed of a variety of cultural aspects from Koguryo(高句麗), Tang(唐), Malgal(靺鞨), Central Asia, and also Palhae’s own culture. However, the reserach of Palhae culture is proceeded with their own angle of East Asian countries. Therefore, China is emphasizes the cultural relationship between Tang and Palhae, and Russia focuses on the cultural aspects from Malgal and Central Asia. Japan had an experience of excavating cultural assets of Site of the Sanggyung Ryongchon Government Palace and Site of the Kraskino fortresss, and also posseses Palhae’s cultural properties. Furthermore, Japan have an interest in the Koguryo’s succession of Palhae culture. South and North Korea have concentrated on the Koguryo’s succession of Palhae culture and have had the researches into the subject. The North believes that the origin of Palhae culture is all from Koguryo. But the studies of Palhae in the North is mostly not based on facts, but based on Propoganda. So, extreme caution should be exercised when trying to understand its cultural inheritance. Under these circumstance, the recent opening of an Art and Science meeting which is related to Palhae Culture in South Korea purports the development of the researches on Palhae’s culture and history. The purpose of this paper is to examine Koryo’s succession of Palhae culture, which we have not researched up to now. After the downfall of Palhae, its culture influenced that of Liao(遼), Jin(金), Shong(宋), and Japan in many ways. Also, Palhae culture is similar to that of early Koryo, and is inherited to early Koryo. For example, the government managing system, the art of Architecture, hypocaust facilities, surnames, language and letter, the consciousness of historical succession, crafts, traditional games, and clothing. However, although we had knowledge about Koryo’s cultural succession of Palhae, we still have remaining problems to be solved. the following is that problem ; What does Koryo exactly inherit? Does the resemblance of the cultures between Palhae and Koryo mean the same as Koryo’s cultural succession of Palhae? what does the cultural succession mean in the flow of the Korean history? In conclusion, Palhae culture had influenced not only Liao and Jin, but also Koryo. Even though Koryo’s inheritance of Palhae culture didn’t play a huge role in Koryo society, it played somewhat meaningful role in the development of Korean culture. I hope that South and North Korea would work together to solve the problems about the cultural inheritance of Palhae through academic interchang.

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