渤海와 遊牧王朝의 交流

韓圭哲(HAN Giu-cheol) 고구려발해학회 2009 고구려발해연구 Vol.34 No.-

본고는 지금까지 발해와 거란 및 돌궐과의 관계에 대한 연구를 종합하고 그 의미를 찾아 보면서 발해와 유목제국과의 관계를 알아보고자 한 초보적 연구이다. 돌궐은 발해가 건국되고 맨 먼저 사신을 파견해야 할 정도로 당과의 외교·군사적 측면에서 중요한 역할을 하였던 왕조였다. 발해의 건국은 거란 李盡忠의 반란과 함께 突厥이 당나라를 일정하게 견제하고 있던 국제적 환경속에서 가능했다. 발해와 돌궐 등의 교류는『吐蕃文書』나 발해시대 연해주와 중앙아시아를 잇는‘담비길’이 있었다는주장 등에서도 확인할 수 있다. 발해는 突厥및 西域과도 적극적인 교류를 하였음이 점차 확인되어 가고 있다. 유목민족의 하나인 거란도 발해와 불가분의 관계를 갖고 있었다. 발해의 풍속이 거란 그리고 고구려와 같았다고 할 정도로 거란은 고구려시대부터 문화적으로도 깊은 관계에 있었다. 그리고 발해시대에는 발해에서 거란으로 통하는‘契丹道’도 있었다. 또한 발해는 거란으로 인해 나라를 세울 수 있었고, 거란으로 인해 멸망하였다. 한편 발해를 멸망시키고 그 유민들을 상당수 받아들인 거란으로서는 군사적으로나 문화적으로 발해유민으로 인해 요나라의 부흥을 꾀할 수 있었다. 발해인들이 거란인이 되면서 그 역사 문화적 전통을 계승·발전하였다는 점은 양국간의 교섭에서 얻어진 중요한 결과였다고 할 수 있다. This thesis is a basic study on past inspections of relations of Balhae(Palhae, Parhae, Bohai) and nomadic dynasties such as Turk and Khitan. Turk played an important role in diplomatic and military aspects with Dang Dynasty. So, Balhae had to dispatch the first ambassador to Turk after the establishment of Balhae. The establishment of Balhae was only possible with the international environment of Li Jinchoong(李盡忠) rebelling and Turk regularly checking Dang Dynasty. The exchange between Balhae and Turk and Seoyeok is gradually being confirmed as documents of Tibet and such are found. Khitan, one of nomadic tribes, had an inseparable relation with Balhae. Khitan was deeply related in cultural aspect since Koguryo Dynasty. The customs of Balhae were almost similar to those of Khitan and Koguryo. There even was ‘Khitan Road(契丹道)’ connecting Balhae to Khitan in the Balhae period. Also, Balhae was established and fell because of Khitan. On the other hand, Khitan, which had destroyed Balhae and had taken in many nomads of Balhae, was able to intend the renaissance of Liao Dynasty only with nomads of Balhae both in military and cultural aspects. The fact that Khitan’s historic and cultural traditions had inherited and developed after the people of Balhae became the people of Khitan is an important result of the exchange between two countries.

高句麗의 繼承性을 通해 본 渤海國의 正體性

韓圭哲(HAN Giu-cheol),金鍾福(토론자) 고구려발해학회 2004 고구려발해연구 Vol.18 No.-

This articles compensated the view which I stated conventionally it. The kingdom of Parhae was founded in the past Koguryo territory. The key to understanding the composition of Parhae inhabitants is the fact that the tribal name 'Malgal (Mo-ho)" was given by outsiders, not by the Malgals themselves. It is widely known that the forbearers of Malgal were Suksin before the Qin Dynasty and Eup-ru during the Han Dynasty. It was also a derogatory name for the inhabitants living in the periphery of Goguryo. In other words, the term "Koguryeo people" were used to refer to the residents in and around the capital Pyongyang and the people residing in outlying areas were called the uncivilized "Malgals." Records describe Dae Jo-young, the founder of Parhae, as "a Koguryo eccentric" or "a Sokmal Malgal." But, these descriptions of him do not mean that he could be either a Goguryeo person or a Malgal person. It simply means that he was a "villager from the Songwha River in Goguryeo." By the same token, it is also clear that the ethnicity of the ruling class and the ruled could not have been different. And, the Ondol - the heater of a house, like the ancient tomb construction method that cultural conservativeness is powerful, or a Korean floor heater was also proved by having inherited Koguryo. Recently many Ondols were discovered at the ruins of Koguryo of China. As for such a fact, It is certainly that Parhae was succeeded from the Koguryo.

고구려ㆍ발해에 대한 인식의 변천

한규철(Han Giu-cheol) 대동한문학회 2007 大東漢文學 Vol.26 No.-

  『三國史記』 등을 통해 유추해 볼 때 삼국시대인들은 일정하게 공동체의식이 있었다. 그러나 남북국시대 신라인들은 발해가 고구려를 계승하였다고 하면서도 말갈로 인식하여 공동체의식이 희박하였다. 그러나 남북국시대에 있었던 두 왕조간의 이러한 인식은 서로의 정치적 대결관계에서 나올 수 있었던 결과로 판단하였다. 양국의 대결적 상황이 고착되면서 신라인들이 고구려를 ‘吾邦’으로 인식하였던 것으로부터 이민족이나 다름없는 ‘靺鞨’로 인식하게 되었다는 것이다.<BR>  고구려 계승을 표방한 고려왕조는 왕조 귀족들의 구성이 金富軾과 같이 신라인들이 많았음에도 불구하고 고구려에 대해서는 三國史記에서 高句麗本紀를 입전할 정도로 동질의식이 강했다. 이후에도 고구려는 왕조적 필요와 명분에 의거해서 고구려사를 더욱 깊이 인식하느냐 그렇지 않았느냐의 차이만 있을 뿐이었지 왕조의 고구려계승을 당연시하였다.<BR>  그런데 고구려사의 한국사적 정통성에 대한 인식은 변함이 없었음에도 불구하고 고구려사를 재인식하게 되었던 계기는 중국의 ‘統一的 多民族國家’論과 ‘東北工程’으로부터였다. 이 때부터 한국인들은 고구려와 발해의 후손의식을 더욱 강하게 갖게 되었다.<BR>  반면에 한국사에 있어서 발해사는 고구려계승국으로 인식하기도 하면서도 이민족과 같은 말갈로도 인식하는 양면적 관계를 갖고 발전하였다. 고려왕조는 발해를 ‘親戚之國’으로 인식하면서도 ‘삼국시대’에 이은 ‘남북국시대’라는 인식으로는 가지 못하였다. 이것은 고려 자신이 고구려를 계승한 왕조로 규정하고 있었기에 고구려를 계승한 발해로 인정하기 어려웠고, 신라와 발해의 대결적 결과가 공동체적 인식의 관계로 발전하지 못하였다고 판단하였다.<BR>  조선 초기는 華夷史觀에 입각하여 발해를 말갈로 보면서 남북국으로 인식하지 못하였다. 이것이 조선 후기에 있어 국학 중심의 생각이 발전하면서 발해사에 대한 인식이 증대되고 ‘남북국시대’로 인식하는 단계로까지 발전하게 되었다. 이러한 남북국시대의 일환으로 인식한 발해사에 대한 부분은 한말과 독립운동기로까지 이어졌다. 물론 이 시기에도 발해사는 말갈사로 인식되었던 교과서 등도 많았다. 특히 독립운동기는 연구미약과 말갈로 보는 滿鮮史觀의 영향아래에 있었다고 할 수 있다.<BR>  해방 후 한국사에서의 발해사는 ‘지배층은 고구려유민 피지배층은 말갈’이라는 인식이 지배적이었다. 발해사의 계승관계에 대한 핵심적인 문제는 ‘靺鞨’이었다. 그러나 80년대에 말갈에 대한 연구가 본격화되면서 말갈의 他稱 즉 汎稱說에 입각하여 卑稱說이 힘을 받으며, 말갈이란 결국 고구려변방주민을 멸시적으로 부른 종족명이었다는 데에 이르게 되면서 발해의 고구려계승관계가 더욱 힘을 받게 되었다고 진단하였다. 말갈로 불리는 사람들이라고 하더라도 이들은 대부분 고구려인이었다는 것이다. 북한에서도 초기의 피지배 말갈설은 90년대부터 고구려땅[발해본토]에서 발해가 이어가고 있다는 상식을 바탕으로 다수의 고구려유민설이 정착하게 되었다.<BR>  한국사학사에서 발해사를 고구려사로 인식하였는가의 여부가 곧 발해사의 진실을 입증하는 근거가 될 수는 없다고 본다. 각 시대의 고구려 발해사에 대한 인식이 시대적 요구에 응해 생성된 인식의 차원에서 나온 것이었다는 점을 파악하고, 왕조적 입장과 당나라 중심의 기록들을 민주적이고 자주적 입장에서 재인식하는 과정에서 역사의 본래 모습을 발견할 수 있을 것이다. 전근대의 역사인식이 곧 역사적 진실일 수 없다는 것이다.<BR>  고구려는 엄연히 사실에 바탕을 둔 고려와 조선의 선대 왕조였으며 한국고대사의 일부였다. 발해사도 고구려와 다른 말갈의 왕조가 아니라, 지배층이나 피지배층을 막론하고 대부분이 고구려유민의 왕조였다. 현대 한국인들이 고구려와 발해의 후손을 자처하는 것은 역사적 사실에 기반을 둔 것이다.   Depend on the 〈Samguksagi(三國史記)〉, there was the consciousness of same race in the peoples of Koguryo dynasty, Shilla of the period of Samguk(three dynasties: 三國時代). But It was diifferent in the the period of Nambukguk(southern and northern dynasties) It seemes there was a few consciousness of same race with Shilla and Palhae. Especially in the confrontation policy, those men think so. Some people think that the people of Nambukguk are the same race. In<BR>  There were many nobilityes of Shilla in Koryo cabinets that they declared succession of Koguryo. To be like that and despite, they had the consciousness of same race with Koguryo as writed in Samguksagi Koguryobongi(三國史記 高句麗本紀). After the Koryo, many people had the consciousness of that. Only it was different with the depth of the consciousness of that.<BR>  The recognizing of Koguryo dynasty came from the ideology of ethnic minority policy of ‘Unified Multiracial Nation’(東北工程). After that, the consciousness of descendants of Koguryo and Palhae increased in Korean people.<BR>  On the other hand, the understanding of Palhae of Korean history progressed through the consciousness of descendants Koguryo or Malgal ethnics. Koryo didn’t understand Shilla and Palhae as Nambukguk. But Koryo was understanding as the nation of relatives. On the beginning of Chosun, they didn’t understanding Shilla and Palhae as Nambukguk, because of the historical views of China and Babarian. In the later term they had begin to understand Shilla and Palhae as Nambukguk.<BR>  After the independence of Korea, the understanding of Palhae of Korean history was mainly the ruling class consisted of Goguryeo people, and the ruled were the Malgal (靺鞨) tribes. But I thought the Malgal that it was also a derogatory name for the inhabitants living in the periphery of Goguryeo. In other words, the term “Goguryeo people” were used to refer to the residents in and around the capital Pyongyang and the people residing in outlying areas were called the uncivilized “Malgals.”<BR>  In the history of Korean history, the fact is not true only, if the consciousness that Palhae was the successor to Koguryo or the Malgal. The fact is that all Korean oneselves think the descendants of Koguryo and Palhae.

동아시아에 있어서 발해의 국제적 위상 발해국의 고구려 계승성 - 고분과 주거문화를 중심으로 -

한규철(Kyu Cheol Han) 한국고대학회 1997 先史와 古代 Vol.9 No.-

N/A

덧침콘크리트의 영향이 고려된 중공슬래브의 휨강도 평가

한규철(Han, Gyu-Chul),김상윤(Kim, Sang-Yoon),이원준(Lee, Won-Jun),주현진(Ju, Hyunjin),이득행(Lee, Deuckhang) 대한건축학회 2022 대한건축학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.42 No.2

『東北通史』에 나타난 金毓黻의 ‘東北’ 史觀

韓圭哲(Han, Giu-Cheol) 백산학회 2009 白山學報 Vol.- No.83

This article analyzed Dongbei Tongshi which was published on 1941 by Jin Yufu, and studied how he constructed Manchurian regions not as ‘Manchurian history’ but as ‘Chinese Dongbei(North East) history’. He showed excellent talent as Practical Historian and Bibliographer, and was a strategist who had a sense of duty to make Manchurian region as Chinese history. Periodical background for this was his imprisonment by Japanese police officer during Manchurian region invading process. He descript closely northern side history from old times to Yuan periods in the aspects of Chinese ‘Dongbei history’and of ethnology and history/geography. He analyzed and arranged many data with practical method, and even reflected study results of Yak-Yong Jeong(丁若鏞: at the end period of Chosun Dynasty) or Japanese scholars. He might make the basis to study and actual proof centering on China, therefore he did not mention even any word to Dangunchosun(檀君朝鮮). And as for Gijachosun(箕子朝鮮), he pointed that Dongbei history should be a theory which can promote disunion of Chinese people.

고구려 발해의 상관성 연구와 과제

한규철(HAN Giu-cheol) 고구려발해학회 2008 고구려발해연구 Vol.31 No.-

This paper points out that the researchers for Balhae, and especially for Koguryo, have ignored the study of the continuity of the Koguryo residents. Furthermore, it urges them to study the continuity of history after the disappearance of Koguryo. The researchers are encouraged to study the construction of the Koguryo residents seriously and actively. And in terms of the history of Balhae, the continuity and interrelationship of the residents of the two dynasties are compared and examined to offer an direction of the research studies. In order to examine the continuity and interrelationship between the two dynasties, we must pay attention to a few points as follows. Above all, we must examine the regional continuity between Koguryo and Balhae. Mostly the farming Koguryo residents stayed at home. In this context, the study of the Koguryo dominion is essential to elucidate the interrelationship with Balhae. Next, the study of politics must be carried on previously before that of the Koguryo residents. If the Koguryo residents were the people of the nation, Koguryo, and later they changed into the people of Malgal suddenly in the era of Balhae, the reason of why they changed as such may result from the era of Koguryo. All of sudden, the background and process of why the people of Malgal became the largest portion of residents in the Southern Manchuria must be examined. We could imagine that during the long period of 700 years of the Koguryo dynasty, there had been a big change for the construction of residents. However, contrary to this, it cannot be denied that most other races were absorbed into the Koguryo residents. In spite that the custom of Balhae was similar to that of Koguryo in 『Jiutangshu(the Book of Old Tang)』, there are many cases of research studies for the cultural interrelationship of the two dynasties. In other words, many scholars misunderstood that the cultural characteristic phenomena between the ruling class and the ruled one might come from the physical evidence which appeared among different peoples. Earthen hole tomb(pit tomb) in earth and hand-made earthenware may be considered as the examples to show the characteristics of the Koguryo residents and the people of Malgal. On the contrary, it is reasonable to say that such cultural phenomena may be the evidence which reveals the characteristics of the Koguryo residents living at the border areas.

발해의 영역에서 본 고구려 계승성

한규철(Han Giu-cheol) 고구려발해학회 2006 고구려발해연구 Vol.22 No.-

Palhae was the kingdom stood for the first time in 30 years after Koguryo goes to ruin. Today, The territory of Palhae was the southern Manchuria of China and the southern Maritime Province of Russia, the north Korea. The territory of Palhae inherited the one of Koguryo as it increased 1.5 times or 2 double. The territory can be referred to as having spread in a northeast area including the Maritime Province. On the other hand, the contents about the human-ethnical succession relation which carries out whether the people from Palhae was the posterity of Koguryo can be considered by move situation and fixing grade of the residents who resided in the Koguryo domain. It must take into consideration the fact which the residents of Koguryo after the Koguryo downfall moved in large numbers in the inland of Tang by compulsion. However quite many numbers in these were the influence which came back from the Palhae founding of the country process to the hometown again, the population which remained in the inland of Tang there was a few. Moreover, the populations who is Koguryo and Palhae was main industry it was farming, the way of a life of the residents to whom a political system like the Juhyun(zhouzian: 州縣) system also mainly carries out fixing too is reflected. Such various situations are the spatial and human of Kokuryo and Palhae, it can be said that it was carrying out proof of the succession relation strongly.

渤海人이 된 高句麗靺鞨

한규철(Han Giu-cheol),김위현 고구려발해학회 2007 고구려발해연구 Vol.26 No.-

The one of hot issues of Palhae is Malgal One, Malgal is differerent with Koguryo. Another, Malgal is a sort of Koguryo, that is not self-name, a vulgar and common name of the border of Koguryo Current issue is the name in the foundation of a country, Is the first name 'Malgal(靺鞨)' or 'Jin(振)'? Some scholars of China assert that the first name is Malgal. TIley assert that the name of Palhae come from Tang's royal ordaining in A.D.713. This article is a confirm one of the old assertion of mine. This has that Malgal is a sort of Koguryo, that is not self-name, a vulgar and common name of the border of Koguryo from the historical materials. TIle first name of Palhae was Jin and the last was Palhae, That self of Palhae exchanges the name of dynasty from a certain time. Tang dynasty only called that Palhae as "Malgal" with a vulgar name in the foundations of country They called that Palhae as "Palhae" after normalizing diplomatic relations of two dynasty of A. D. 713. The term Malgal appears in Samguksagi(三國史記), going back even to the period of B. C. And the term was the name of dependant people who lived under the control of Koguryo near its frontiers. The true meaning of Malgal should be found in such terms as Sokmal(粟末), Packsan(白山), or Heuksoo(黑子) which were added adjectively to Malgal For example, it is true to say that Sokmal-Malgal was the inhabitants of the region of the Sungari River. Thus we may conclude that at least Packsan-Malgal and Sokmal-Malgal were surely the peoples ruled by Koguryo, and it is probable that other Malgals except Heuksoo-Malgal might have been so. Malgals in the historical materials were "Koguryo Malgal" of not self-name, a vulgar and common name of tile border of Koguryo peoples.

외식프랜차이즈 가맹본부의 마케팅 믹스가 관계품질, 몰입, 그리고 장기지향성에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구

한규철(Han, Kyu-Chul),우종필(Yu, Jong-Pil) 한국상품학회 2010 商品學硏究 Vol.28 No.6

본 연구의 주된 관심은 만족 및 신뢰의 차원으로 구성되는 하나의 construct인 관계품질에서 이들에 영향을 미치는 가맹본부의 서비스 마케팅 믹스(7P) 요인에 대해 조사를 하고 관계품질과 몰입, 그리고 장기지향성 간의 관계를 규명하는 것이다. 분석 결과, 관계품질에 영향을 미치는 가맹본부의 마케팅믹스 요인 중에서 물류서비스(distribution), 식자재 및 메뉴(product), 가맹점 관리요원(people)이 큰 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났으며, 마케팅 믹스에 따라 만족과 신뢰에 미치는 상대적인 영향력의 차이가 발견되었다. 또한 관계품질과의 관계를 분석한 결과 가맹본부-가맹점 간 거래의 강도에 대한 전반적인 평가로서 관계품질(만족 및 신뢰)→몰입→장기지향성으로 이어지는 선순환의 관계가 검증이 되었다. 특히 경쟁이 치열한 외식프랜차이즈 업종에서는 가맹본부의 마케팅 믹스전략을 추진해 나가는 데 있어 회사 경영자원의 우선순위를 정해 효율적이면서 효과적인 경영을 해야 한다는 점을 시사해 주고 있다. The Local franchise industry has expanded during the last quarter century in terms of numbers of franchisors and franchisees together with market volume and size. Considering these situations, the relationship between franchisor and franchisee and the competitive advantage of both entities are nowadays considered to be more important than ever before. Especially relationship satisfaction, or the franchisee satisfaction is fundamental construct in franchise distribution channel. The purpose of this study is to investigate marketing mix factors of franchisor influencing franchisee satisfaction and to research the relationship among relationship performance such as satisfaction, trust, commitment, and long-term orientation and also to elaborate the relative importance and influence effect amongmarketingmix factors. The research model conceptualizing antecedents of franchisee satisfaction and its organizational consequences is proposed. The hypotheses are as follows: service marketing mix factors(product, price, distribution, promotion, people, process, and physical evidence) positively affect franchisee satisfaction and trust(H1-H2). Relationship quality positively affects commitment(H3-H4). Relationship quality positively affects long-term orientation(H5-H6). and lastly commitment positively affects long-term orientation(H7). The analysis of relative importance and influence effect is as follows: Among service marketing mix, logistics service(distribution factor), product, and physical evidence affect franchisee satisfaction stronger than trust, and price, promotion, and process affect trust stronger than satisfaction.