한말 유림의 공사(公私) 인식

정욱재(Jung, Uk-jae) 한국역사연구회 2014 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.93

Analyzed here is how the Confucian scholars viewed and understood the concepts of “the Public” and “the Private”(公私), during the latter half period of Joseon through the concept of ‘Public Virtue(“Gongdeok, 公德”).’ The concept of this “Public Virtue” first appeared in Korean history seemingly thanks to the Chinese Confucian philosopher Liang Chi-Chao(梁啓超). Public Virtue, according to Liang, was a kind of shared virtue among citizens, needed for establishing a state, and a concept that symbolized the system of act and awareness beneficial for the groups, societies and state. Later, the Renewed Confucians like Park Eun-sik and Jang Ji-yeon actively adopted and circulated Liang’s ideology and publications, spreading the terminology of ‘Public Virtue.’ Renewed Confucians understood the concept of Public Virtue as ideas and acts that would benefit the group, societies and state, instead of individuals. Yet they also added their political and social ideals to that original concept of Public Virtue. Some of the Renewed Confucians perceived the concept of Public Virtue through the traditional Confucian concept system, viewing the ‘Virtue’ as vital order for the modern state and societies’ benefaction and progresses. In the meantime, a small group of Renewed Confucians who turned Pro-Japanese understood the Virtue just as public order or manners that people should follow. The meaning of Public Virtue was understood quite differently, according to stances. In short, in the early 20th century, the concept of Public Virtue symbolized an idealistic system for acts and awareness that would benefact the public area, such as state, ethnicity and societies, and was regarded as an essential component for the progress of state, ethnicity, societies and groups. For the Renewed Confucians, Public Virtue was not only the diagnostic criteria for the past and present, but also an essential quality the civilians must demonstrate in various public areas. Therefore, in an analysis of the concept of “the Public and the Private(公私),” it can be concluded that the terminology ‘Public Virtue’ is a Confucian expression of modern ‘Public(公)’ that came from the Confucian scholars of Chosun.

CFD-DEM 연동 기법을 이용한 폭발 압력에 따른 함정용 채프운의 분포 특성 분석

정욱진(Uk Jin Jung),손동우(Dongwoo Sohn),김문홍(Munhong Kim) 대한기계학회 2022 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2022 No.11

性齋 許傳의 경세론

정욱재(Jung, Uk-Jae) 한국인물사연구회 2013 한국인물사연구 Vol.19 No.-

This article analyzed Heo Jeon’s Theory of Governance or Kyung-se-ron(經世論). The theory is the result of arduous study by Heojeon, a 66-year-old master Confucian, who acknowledged paradox of 19th century Korean society and tried to resolve it. The theory reflected both historical reality of the era and the scholar’s status. As a member of Seongho Hakpa(星湖學派), he also tried to understand and resolve social problems following Confucian value system. The ideal country the scholar dreamt of was, after all, the country of virtue where the noble scholars, or Sajok(士族) ruled the country based on agriculture-based economy. He thought the ideal common people of such country should work hard on the field and gingerly respect the reign led by ideal noble scholars, who should participate in the politics and lead the people to the virtuous way. Therefore in his theory, education of the noble scholars was always emphasized. He also criticized the reality that talented scholars get no job in the government, but his scholars were the noble ones. However, the theory did not ignore common people. The fact that he chose ‘To Select the Right Official’ as the first item of his theory, reflects his analysis that Yimsool Minran was caused by greedy officials steal from the common people. He therefore emphasized the importance of ‘Selecting the right Officials’ and ‘Letting the Commoners Speak’ through official channels. He also emphasized the regulation of monetary circulation, for he thought that both personal ownership for the fields and paying tax with money impoverish the people. In conclusion, Heojeon, as devoted Confucian scholar, couldn’t think of other options than noble scholars as politicians, Confucianism as chief philosophy, and agriculture as the center of economy. In his mind, an ideal country should be agriculture-centered, and distribution of wealth should be based on the agriculture. That is why he lectured King Chuljong of ‘the essence of study’ and strengthening education for noble scholars.

황윤석의 義盈庫 仕宦期 의영고의 위상 ―『頤齋亂藁』를 중심으로―

정욱재 ( Jung Uk-jae ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2023 民族文化硏究 Vol.98 No.-

이 글은 황윤석의 『이재난고』를 통해 18세기 의영고의 위상과 다양한 모습을 살펴보았다. 의영고는 고려후기에 명칭이 등장한 관청으로 조선시대에 들어와 왕실공상에 참여하는 공상아문의 하나로 호조의 종5품아문에 속하였다. 임진왜란 이후 의영고의 위상은 낮아져서 主簿가 주재관이 된 종6품아문이 되었고, 1882년에 혁파될 때까지 종5품아문으로 회복되지 못하였다. 『이재난고』를 통해 본 의영고는 관찬자료에서 쉽게 찾아볼 수 없는 현실적인 모습을 드러내고 있었다. 의영고의 세 관원, 즉 주부는 國忌日에 素膳을, 직장은 대궐 안에서 龍枝와 기름(油)을, 봉사는 黃燭을 각각 진배하는 것을 주관하는 등 각자의 업무가 원칙적으로 각각 달랐다. 그러나 황윤석이 근무하던 당시에는 업무 분장에 상관없이 해당일에 입번하는 사람이 의영고의 직무를 처리하고 그 책임도 입번자가 담당하는 관습이 생겼다. 공상물자를 마련하는 방식도 공안에 기재된 토산 현물을 지방에서 수취하거나, 아문에 속한 장인을 통해 물품을 직접 제작하여 궐내에 진배하던 조선전기와 다르게 18세기 의영고는 공인을 통해 소요 물품을 납품받는 형태로 전환된 모습을 보였다. 공물아문에서 담당하던 공물 관리와 조달의 업무가 공인에게 전가되면서 의영고에 비축된 공물은 없고 장부만 관리하면 되는 당대의 상황은 조선전기에 없던 장무서원을 출현하게 만들었다. 즉 현물관리가 아닌 장부 관리가 주요한 업무가 되었기 때문에 장부관리와 문서 행정을 위한 전문적인 사람이 더욱 필요한 것이다. 17세기 전반기까지 등장하지 않았던 掌務書員이 1768년 7월부터 1769년 6월까지 황윤석이 근무한 의영고에 마치 정식 직원처럼 등장하게 된 것은 이런 시대적 변화를 반영한 것이었다. 19세기에 편찬된 「육전조례」에 장무서원이 의영고 소속 서리로 공식 기재된 것은 이런 당대의 현실을 반영한 것에 불과하였다. 『이재난고』는 관찬자료에서 미처 포착할 수 없는 시대적 변화의 단면을 수록하여 조선후기 역사상을 현장감 있게 파악할 수 있는 단서를 준다. This article reviews the status and various aspects of the Euiyeonggo (義盈庫) in 18th century as cited in the Yijaenango (頤齋亂藁) by Hwang Yun-seok. The name of Euiyeonggo, the Royal Procurement Office and Hwang's first office in Hanyang, was first seen in the articles of late Goryo period. The Euiyeonggo was then designated as a branch of the Ministry of Taxation (Hojo; 戶曹), Amun in the 5th Jong rank, led by officials of Ryeong (令) rank, to manage oil, honey, yellow beeswax, vegetables (素膳), and peppers, etc. However, after the Imjin Invasion, the status of Euiyeonggo was demoted to the 6th Jong rank led by lower officials in the rank of Jubu (主簿) instead of Ryeong, and never recovers its former status until the reform in 1882 (19th year by the reign of King Gojong). Thus the Euiyeonggo as described in the Yijaenango shows more realistic aspect of the era never seen in the official documents. First of all, the Yijaenango shows that the 3 ranks of Jubu, Jikjang (直長), Bongsa (奉事) managed different tasks. The official documents dictate that the Jubu manage delivery of vegetables for Royal Memorial Day services, the Jikjang managed delivery of Yongji (龍枝) and oil in the palace, and the Bongsa delivered yellow beeswax candles (黃燭). However, according to Hwang, the officials on duty took charge of the entire duties of the Euiyeonggo, regardless of their ranks and designated duties. The procurement of supplies by the Euiyeonggo also changed. In the early Joseon period, the Gongsangamun, or the Ministry of Royal Procurement, received local supplies in the official documents, or allocated products by royal artisans in the palace. However in 18th century, with no royal artisans in the Amun, the Euiyeonggo received its supplies from local and private artisans and traders. As its function of production and procurement was ascribed to local artisans and traders, the Euiyeonggo had to hire its own Jangmuseowon (掌務書員), or the Royal Accountant, for more professional management of it accountants and documentations. The fact that the Royal Accountant appeared during Hwang's tenure in the office from July 1768 to June 1769, is a reflection of such changes. In other words, the designation of Jangmuseowon officials as official members of the Euiyeonggo, is only the reflection of such trends in 19th century Joseon, and the Yijaenango, a personal accounts, gives more detailed clues on the reality of the late Joseon than official documents of the era.

金時讓의 생애와 역사의식

정욱재(Jung, Uk-Jae) 한국인물사연구회 2016 한국인물사연구 Vol.26 No.-

This article reviewed the life of Kim Si-Yang (金時讓), and his historical consciousness by analyzing his writings, namely, the Baegyegimun (涪溪紀聞), the Jahaepildam (紫海筆談), and the Hadampasuklok (荷潭破寂錄), etc. Kim was a Confucian scholar who lived throughout the late 16th century and mid-17th century, enduring the time of hardship. In 1612 (4th year by the reign of King Gwanghae), he was exiled to Jongseong, Hamgyeong-do, for posing a ’tabooed question’ for an official examination. In 1618, after 7 years of exile in Jongseong, Kim was relocated to Yeonghae, Gyeongsangbuk-do, before being released from the exile in 1623 due to the Restoration by King Injo. For the 12 years of poor and miserable exile, he devoted himself to researches, enhancing his knowledge and view on the Korean history. In other words, it was the time of the exile that offered Kim a chance to crystallize his thoughts and experiences to write the three books that gained much praise by his successors. Kim viewed the reality of his era, as well as the contemporary Confucian scholars, with differentiated view and criticism. He lamented on the reality where the descendents of the unjust thrive and the descendents of the righteous declined, and emphasized that the reason behind the paradox are lack of historical consciousness and unjust publication of Korean history. In particular, Kim stressed that the Confucian scholars of Joseon lacked education on the history of Joseon, and rather, propagated incorrect historical knowledge. In his point of view, the history education of Joseon didn’t serve its function as mirror of politics and ethics, and he wrote the books in order to correct the errors. Kim may have lived a bitter personal life during the time of national hardship, but he tried his best to keep his criticism on the era and serve his responsibility in the Korean history.

한말·일제하 梁鳳濟의 활동

정욱재 (Jung Uk-Jae) 한국인물사연구소 2011 한국인물사연구 Vol.16 No.-

This article reviews political and social activities of Pro-Japanese Confucian, Yang Bong-Je(梁鳳濟). Born in 1851, Yang studies under Park Moon-Il(朴文一) from School of Hwaseo(華西學派), and began his career as an aristocratin 1879, after passing the National Examination for Civil Service. Despite his School of origin, which was one of the most conventional schools of Confucianism, he embraced the New Learning(新學) and converted himself into the Reformed Confucian. During his time as a local governor Yang also supported school establishments, understanding importance of cultivating peoples' capabilities. As such, Yang's activities during 19th century shows that he worked as a devoted aristocrat of Joseon Monarch and later Daehan Empire, as a celebrity of North Pyongan Province. But evidences from 20th century shows that Yang chose different path from his past ones. In October 30th, 1912, Yang Bong-Je, appointed by the Government General of Korea, worked as Lecturer of North Pyongan Provincial Gyeonghagwon(經學院) for 14 years, until his death in 1926. From then on his activities were Pro-Japanese, such as giving provincial lecture tours that insisted on obeying policies of Colonial Government; and writing poetries that praised Emperor Daisho(大正天皇) and the Royal prince(later Emperor Showa(昭和天皇)) Yet it is still inconclusive as to Yang's identity of defected Pro-Japanese Confucian. His alumni of School of Hwaseo(華西學{派) and renowned Independence Movement worker Yi Kwan-Gu(李觀求) regarded him as a man who devoted his life for the Movement. There are no evidence for Yi's appraisal aside from his article,『Uiyongsilgi(義勇實記)』. Still Yi's statement cannot be regarded as false, since『Uiyongsilgi(義勇實記)』is in itself recognised as reliable source of facts, and its content so specific, that can written only by person who had keen knowledge about the situation. In conclusion, Yang Bong-Je represents the complexity and multi-faceted nature of Resistance and Cooperation, that shows yet another characteristics of Pro-Japanese Confucians. conclusion, Yang Bong-Je represents the complexity and multi-faceted nature of Resistance and Cooperation, that shows yet another characteristics of Pro-Japanese Confucians.

1920년대 식민지 조선 유림과 일본의 탕도성당(湯島聖堂)

정욱재 ( Uk Jae Jung ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2016 民族文化硏究 Vol.71 No.-

에도막부 때 釋奠祭와 막부의 인재 교육을 담당했던 湯島聖堂은 19세기 말엽까지도 조선 유림에게 알려지지 않은 생소한 장소였다. 메이지 유신으로 왕정복고를 단행한 일본은 서구 근대화 정책을 펼치면서 湯島聖堂의 기능를 폐지했다. 이런 湯島聖堂을 재발견한 집단이 바로 斯文會였다. 사문회는 경학원의 관계를 통하여 식민지 조선 유림과 교류를 하였으며, 이로 인해 식민지 조선에 서서히 湯島聖堂이 알려지게 되었다. 이 장소가 식민지 조선 유림에게 구체적으로 알려지게 된 계기는 1914년 湯島聖堂을 방문했던 경학원의 일제협력유림의 기록에서 비롯되었다. 1920년대에 들어오면 식민지 조선 유림은 湯島聖堂을 본격적으로 참배하기 시작하였다. 특히 1922년에 식민지 조선 유림의 湯島聖堂 방문이 절정에 이르렀다. 1922년은 바로 공자가 사망한 지 2400주년이 되던 시기였다. 1922년 10월29일 일본의 사문회가 주관하여 湯島聖堂에서 ‘孔子二千四百年追遠記念祭’를 개최하였으며, 경학원의 일제협력유림을 비롯한 식민지 조선 유림도 참여하였다. 이 행사를 기점으로 일제협력유림을 비롯하여 식민지 조선 유림은 湯島聖堂을 새로운 유교의 성지이자 일본의 발전을 상징하는 장소로 분명하게 인식하였다. 특히 일본이 유교를 숭봉한다는 것을 잘 알지 못했던 조선의 지방 유림은 湯島聖堂과 그 공간에서 열리는 행사를 보면서 일본이 근대화에 성공한 국가일 뿐만 아니라 유교도 발전한 나라로 인식되었다. 또한 湯島聖堂은 일제협력유림에게 자신의 친일 행위를 합리화하는 좋은 수단으로 기능하였다. Yushima Seido Shrine (湯島聖堂), the center of education and the Seokjeonje (釋奠 祭) ceremony by the Shogunate, was an unfamiliar place to the Confucian scholars in Joseon until the end of the 19th century. The Shrine was temporarily closed after the Meiji Restoration and its subsequent European Modernization plans, but was later rediscovered by the Samunhoe, the group of enlightened Japanese intellectuals who tried to establish ‘modernized Confucianism’ for the new modern country. In this regard, the group took interest in the old Shrine and revived the ceremony of Seokjeonje once ceased by the Meiji government. The Confucian scholars in Joseon recognized the existence of Yushima Seido Shrine from cultural exchanges with the Samunhoe through the Gyeonghakwon. More specifically, pro-Japanese Confucian scholars of Gyeonghakwon recorded their visits to the Shrine in 1914, which induced official visits to the Shrine by the general Confucian scholars in Joseon. The number of visits by the Confucian scholars reached its peak in 1922, the 2400th anniversary of the death of Confucius. On October 29, 1922, the Samunhoe held ‘Memorial Rite for Confucius after 2400 years of the Death of the Master (孔子二千四百年追遠記念祭)’ at the Yushima Seido Shrine, and pro-Japanese Confucian scholars of Gyeonghakwon participated in the Rite, along with other Confucian scholars from the colonized Joseon. After the Rite, the Yushima Seido marked itself as the new ‘holy place’ of the ‘new Confucianism’ and symbol of progress of Japan. Especially for the local Confucian scholars in Joseon who didn’t know that Japan also respected the same philosophy as they did, the event made an impression that Japan is not only a modernized country, but also a country with modernized and advanced Confucianism, which became a good excuse for pro-Japanese Confucian scholars on their treacherous actions.

日本宮內廳所藏 ‘公族實錄’의 편찬과 특징

정욱재(Jung, Uk-Jae) 고려사학회 2016 한국사학보 Vol.- No.64

일본 궁내청(일제강점기의 宮內省)에는 한국의 實錄과는 그 연원과 성격이 다른 ‘王公族實錄’이 방대한 분량으로 소장되어 있다. 즉 ‘王族實錄’에 해당하는 『李太王實錄』 6권·『李太王實錄資料』 24권, ‘公族實錄’에 해당되는 『李熹公實錄』 3권·『李熹公實錄資料』 6권, 『李埈公實錄』 2권·『李埈公實錄資料』 5권이 초고본 형태로 소장되고 있다. 본고에서는 공족실록의 편찬 배경과 편찬자, 특징 등에 대해 개략적인 검토를 하였다. 이들 사료는 일제강점기 궁내성의 주관 하에 아사미 린타로(淺見倫太郞)에 의해 편찬되었다. 그는 식민지 조선에서 법관으로 활동하며 조선의 文籍을 수집하는 사람으로 유명한 인물이었다. 그는 1919년 6월 2일에 시작하여 1923년 11월 30일에 ‘왕공족실록’ 편찬을 완료하고, 같은 해 12월 18일에 궁내성에서 해임되었다. 당시 궁내성에서 이 자료들을 편찬한 것은 일본 제국에 새롭게 편입된 ‘王公族’을 皇族의 禮로 대우한다는 것을 보이기 위해서였다. 아사미는 공족실록과 실록자료를 편찬하기 위해 자료 수집에 진력하였다. 그는 궁내성의 힘을 빌려서 국내외의 자료들을 수집하였고, 수집된 자료들을 거의 정확하게 채록하였다. 일본인의 시각에서 정리된 편찬물이지만, 기록의 조작, 왜곡, 가필 등은 거의 보이지 않는다. 공족실록의 특징은 인물을 대상으로 그의 일생에 관련된 모든 사료를 수집한 후, 일정한 분류 기준과 목차를 가지고 기록하였다. 그는 서술 방법으로 編年體에 紀事本末體를 병용하였다. 그가 수집한 자료 중에는 국내에서 찾아보기 어려운 자료들도 수록되어 있다. 아직 『高宗實錄』과 고종시대사에 대한 연구도 사실상 미진한 상황에서 궁내청 소장 ‘왕공족실록’과 실록자료는 우리에게 여러 가지 새로운 고민을 던져주고 있다. 요컨대 일본인이 정리한 역사 기록물이지만, 궁내청 소장 ‘왕공족실록’의 출현은 기존의 실록에 대한 생각을 再考하는 계기를 마련해준다. 궁내청 소장 ‘왕공족실록’과 실록자료를 총체적으로 검토하고 아울러 기존의 『高宗實錄』를 비교 분석한다면, 적어도 고종과 고종시대에 대한 종합적인 역사상이 나오지 않을까 기대해 본다. This article aims to give comprehensive reviews on general backgrounds, the publisher, and features of the Gongjoksilok Chronicles. The Imperial Household Agency of Japan holds vast volumes of the ‘Wanggongjoksilok’ Chronicles, or the Chronicles on Royalties and Aristocrats of Joseon (hereinafter the Chronicles), that have different origin and features than the Records of the Joseon Dynasty published in Korea. The Chronicle is consisted of two types of records, namely, the ‘Wangjoksilok’, or the Chronicles on the Royalties, including 6 volumes of ‘Chronicles of King Lee (李太王實錄)’ and 24 volumes of ‘Materials for the Chronicles of King Lee (李太王實錄資料)’; and the ‘Gongjoksilok’, or the Chronicles on the Aristocrats, including 3 volumes of ‘Chronicles of Lord Lee Hee (李熹公實錄)’, 6 volumes of ‘Materials for the Chronicles of Lord Lee Hee (李熹公實錄資料)’, 2 volumes of ‘Chronicles of Lord Lee Jun (李埈公實錄)’, and 5 volumes of ‘Materials for the Chronicles of Lord Lee Jun (李埈公實錄資料)’, in the form of drafts. The Chronicles were published during the Japanese Colonial Era by Asami Rintaro (淺見倫太郞), with supervision by the Imperial Household Agency. Asami worked as a judiciary officer in the Colonized Joseon, and became famous for his collection of writings and records of the former kingdom. On June 2, 1919, Asami began the publication project, which resulted in the completion of ‘Wanggongjoksilok’ Chronicles on November 30, 1923; and on December 18 of 1923, he was dismissed from the position by the Imperial Household Agency, whose initial objective was to publicly give the impression that newly integrated ‘Royalties and Aristocrats’ of the former Joseon Dynasty are respected with the same level of dignity as the Japanese royalties. Asami, however, put great efforts in collecting materials and records on the royalties of Joseon in objective and just way, although he had to rely on the Imperial Household Agency for the collection; he organized the records and materials from his point of view as Japanese, but rarely fabricated, distorted, or retouched the collected materials and records. To publish the Gongjoksilok Chronicles, he initially collected every materials and records relevant to the life of aristocrats, then sorted out the basic materials with certain systems and criterions, describing the records in chronological (編年體) and narrative (紀事本末體) styles. In light of insufficient researches on the Records on the Emperor Gojong (高宗實錄) and his reign, the Chronicles on Royalties and Aristocrats in Joseon, as well as materials and records relevant to them, give yet another controversy to the academic circle. Although edited by a Japanese, the existence of the Chronicles gives another chances to rethink the conventional concept on the royal records of Joseon. Comprehensive comparison and analysis on the Chronicles and their basis materials to the Records on the Emperor Gojong (高宗實錄) will give us general image of the era under the reign by Emperor Gojong.

이현희본 『張孝根日記』 비판 -1916년~1920년을 중심으로-

정욱재(Jung, Uk-jae) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2021 한국독립운동사연구 Vol. No.

이 글은 독립기념관 소장 『장효근일기』와 이현희가 탈초·정리한 이현희본을 비교·검토하여 학계에 통용된 이현희본의 허구성을 밝혔다. 『장효근일기』는 천도교 인사이자 독립운동가인 장효근의 일기로 1916년부터 1945년까지 30년간의 일기를 한문으로 작성되었다. 이 자료는 1975년 이현희에 의해 처음 발굴되어 탈초·정서되었는데, 다 공개하지 못하고 1916년부터 1939년까지의 일기만 3년에 걸쳐 학계에 공개되었다. 공개된 이현희본은 당시 학계에 관심을 불러일으키며 최근까지도 역사학의 자료로 활용되었다. 최근까지 무비판적으로 이용된 이현희본은 원본보다 적게는 30%, 많게는 50% 이상 가필·조작되어 역사학의 자료로 사실상 이용될 수 없는 자료이다. 이현희본은 일제강점기에 있었던 역사적 사실과 이현희 자신을 비롯하여 1970년대 학계의 연구 성과를 교묘하게 조합하여 나온 위작이다. 즉 『일제침략하 한국36년사』 같은 1차 사료들을 수집하여 일지식으로 수록된 저술 등에서 해당 날짜의 역사적 사실을 추려내고, 장효근이 기록하지 않은 언행과 생각·평가 등을 더하여 지금의 ‘이현희본’이 탄생한 것이다. 이현희본의 출현으로 인해 아이러니하게도 독립기념관 소장 『장효근일기』는 원본임에도 불구하고 점차 연구자의 시야에서 멀어지게 되었다. 이런 현상이 나오게 된 이유는 아마 이현희본에 1970년대 학계의 연구분위기에 부응하는 내용이 있었기 때문이라고 생각한다. 특히 ‘실학-개화사상-독립사상’으로 체계화시켜 독립사상의 원류를 실학으로 연결시키려는 일기의 내용은 당대 실학 연구의 분위기와 잘 맞아 떨어졌다. 1970년대 근대화의 열기가 강했던 시대적 상황과 그것에 부응하기 위한 역사적 근대성을 ‘실학’에서 찾으려는 학계의 분위기가 이현희본과 같은 희대의 괴작(怪作)을 탄생하게 만든 것일지도 모른다. 이현희본은 역사학의 가장 기본인 사료 비판이라는 작업을 소홀하게 만들었던 시대적 병리 작용의 한 사례라고도 할 수 있다. 요컨대 최근까지 무비판적으로 이용된 이현희본은 무엇보다 폐기해야할 자료이다. 이현희본이 현재 우리에게 주는 교훈은 역설적으로 『장효근일기』와 같은 주요 자료는 반드시 신뢰할 수 있는 기관이 판독·정서하여 간행해야 하는 당위성과 함께 사료 비판의 중요성을 다시 한번 깨닫게 해준 것이다. 즉 이현희본에 의해 은폐된 원본 『장효근일기』에 주목하여 본래의 모습과 가치를 회복시킬 필요가 있다. 이 글은 사실상 그것을 위한 준비 작업에 불과한 것이다. This study revealed the falsity of Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version circulated in academic circles by comparing and examining The Diary of Jang Hyo-Geun held in the Independence Hall of Korea and Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version deciphered and reorganized by Lee Hyun-Hee. The Diary of Jang Hyo-Geun is the diary of Jang Hy-Geun who was a Cheondogyo figure and independence activist, and the diary of 30 years from 1916 through 1945 was written in Chinese characters. This material was discovered by Lee Hyun-Hee in 1975 for the first time, deciphered and written out fair, and the diary from 1916 through 1939 only was opened to academic circles over three years. Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version drew attention in the then academic circles and has been utilized as a material for historical studies until recently. Since 30% or more than 50% of Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version has been modified and manipulated from the original, it cannot be practically used as a material for historical studies. Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version was drawn up with the original Diary of Jang Hyo-Geun as a script, reflecting the materials like 36 Years of History of Korea under Japanese Invasion that sorted out the historical records surveyed and excavated until the 1970s and the research achievements accomplished by academic circles of the time. With the appearance of Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version, ironically, The Diary of Jang Hyo-Geun held in the Independence Hall of Korea has gradually grown away from researchers’ eyes though it is the original. This phenomenon appeared perhaps because Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version contained the content corresponding to the research atmosphere of academic circles in the 1970s. In particular, the content of the diary that would connect the origin of the idea of independence to Silhak (Korean practical science, Realist School of Confucianism), systematizing it into Silhak through the Enlightenment Thought to independent thought matched the atmosphere of Silhak studies at the time well. The situation of the times in the 1970s, when there was a strong fever of modernization and the atmosphere of the academic circles to find the historical modernity to correspond to that in ‘Silhak’ might give birth to an unprecedented, weird work like Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version. Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version can be said to be a case of pathological action of the times, which pulled researchers away from the job of the criticism of historical records, which is the most basic of historical studies. The lesson given to us presently by Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version is that it paradoxically allows us to realize the importance of the criticism of historical records again along with the appropriateness that important materials like Diary of Jang Hyo-Geun must be published by a reliable institution. In other words, it is necessary to pay attention to the Diary of Jang Hyo-Geun concealed by Lee Hyun-Hee’s Version to recover its original look and value. This study is virtually a mere work of preparation for that.

단군 인식의 계보와 대종교 『증보문헌비고』·『단조사고』·『신단실기』를 중심으로

정욱재 ( Jung Uk Jae ) 역사문제연구소 2018 역사문제연구 Vol.22 No.1

The study explored understanding the Dangun in academic works during late Chosun and the Japanese Colonization periods. The recognition of the Dangun as the progenitor of Korean people and founder of the nation was formed during the late Chosun and the Japanese colonization periods, with unclear historical understandings. As the need for the new modern nation arose due to internal and external crisis to the Daehan Empire, as well as modern Western culture, the Dangun gained spotlight as the symbol of national identity and fate of the national community. With such understanding, historical narrations on the Dangun was also empowered than the past; one case of such empowerment is the _Jeungbomunheonbigo_ published in the year 1908, during the Daehan Empire period. _Experts in history, culture, and rituals, including Kim Gyo-heon, Kim Taek-yeong, Jang Ji-yeon, Lee Beom-se, and Yoon Hee-gu, participated in the publication of the _Jeungbomunheonbigo_, enriching the narratives of the Dangun with articles of tombs, graves, personal history, epics, and poetries of the Dangun. Kim Gyo-heon, editor and collector for the _Jeungbomunheonbigo_, joined the religion of the Daejonggyo in 1910. Kim, with experiences in publication of the book, rendered himself to the collection and edition of articles and books related to the Dangun, to provide historical basis of his religion. In this regard, he published the Danjosago in 1911, followed by the Sindansilgi in 1914. The Danjosago is a collection of documentations on Dangun, as the first historical text that revealed historical awareness by the Daejonggyo on the Dangun as the religious figure. The Sindansilgi, inheriting the historical awareness and documentations of the Danjosago, describes the history of the Dangun in more objective manner, adopting historical texts like the Dongsagangmok and Yeolha-ilgi. The Sindansilgi is the first history book for the general public that revealed historical awareness of the Daejonggyo, affecting the intellectual strata of the era. Despite the achievements, however, the two books have grave errors as historical publications : In order to deify the Dangun as the origin of the Korean people, the two books adopted several articles under suspicion of fabrication. The historical narrative may not be as nonsensical as the 'Three Pseudographs', the _Gyuwonsahwa_, _Dangigosa_, or the _Hwandangogi_, it should be pointed out that the two books did adopt documentations with unclear origin, or under suspicion of fabrication. Although the Daejonggyo has nothing to do with the Three Pseudographs, such errors in the two books provided false claims that the religion supported the contents of the Three Pseudographs.