학술논문 3 : 한미군사동맹과 한,중안보협력의 상관관계

정경영 ( Kyung Young Chung ) 한국군사학회 2014 군사논단 Vol.79 No.-

This paper explores the connectivity between the ROK.U.S. military alliance and the ROK. China military security cooperation as the most critical foreign security issue which the Republic of Korea faces. The ROK.U.S. alliance is the backbone of South Korea’s national security, considering North Korea’s contingencies possibility as well as its nuclear and missile threats. And the trade between South Korea and China has significantly increased ever since their normalization and now retains a quarter of the total trade of South Korea. The paper makes policy recommendations in two areas in terms of strategy and personnel manning, and security military cooperation. The first part of policy recommendation is as follow: First, South Korea should develop national security strategy for both the Republic of Korea and the unified Korea through comprehensive security assessment and visions upgraded by national power and diplomatic security capability. South Korea’s foreign security policy towards the United States and China should be established to implement the national security strategy. In addition, South Korean government should employ persons equipped with strategic and governance capability with their counterparts as well as inter-related agencies; second, South Korea.U.S..China trilateral strategic dialogue should be institutionalized to cope with North Korea military confrontation, denuclearization, and North Korea non-military contingencies; and third, the four party talks should consist of two Koreas, the United States, and China in order to transform the armistice structure into peace structure. The construction of the international peace park in DMZ could be significant indicator of confidence-building measures and peace-making. The second part of policy recommendations for military security cooperation is as follow: first, regional counter-disaster and PKO training complex center should be established at Camp Casey, stationed by the main body of the U.S. Second Infantry Division which be relocated to Camp Humphrey in 2016; second, the government of South Korea, the United States, and China should facilitate their cadets and military officers should take exchange courses program at their counterparts military education institution; and third, junior officers from South Korea, the United States, China, and also Japan should take parts in battlefield visitation program to realize the tragedy and grief of wars, including Sino-Japanese War, the Pacific War, and the Korean War, in order to forge them to be determined in preventing another war. Finally, the Republic of Korea should play centripetal roles to enhance mutual respect and security cooperation among key major states in order to mitigate global rivalry hegemony between the United States and China, and regional power struggle between China and Japan. This friendly and cooperative security environment will eventually resolve the division of Korean peninsula and create peace and cooperation in Northeast Asia.

꿈꾸는 음악학

정경영 ( Kyung Young Chung ) 세계음악학회 2009 음악과 문화 Vol.21 No.-

[논문]'제2작법(Seconda prattica)' 되읽기

정경영(Kyung-Young Chung) 낭만음악사 2005 낭만음악 Vol.- No.68

몬테베르디가 모호하게 사용하였던 '제2작법'이라는 용어의 진정한 의미는 가사의 '구문' 보다는 '의미'를 파악하여 그것이 드러나도록 음악적으로 해석해내는 것이다. 가사의 '구문'을 따르는 음악을 주장하였던 제1작법은 상대적으로 '이론화'하기 쉬웠던 반면, '의미'를 따르는 음악을 주장한 제2작법을 '이론화'하기란 쉽지 않았다. 구문이 객관적이라면 의미는 상대적이고 주관적이기 때문이다. 그것이 바로 끝내 몬테베르디가 자신이 약속한 '제2작법'에 대한 이론서를 쓰지 못한 이유이다. 아르투지-몬테베르디 논쟁은 이러한 입장 차이를 선명하게 보여주며 몬테베르디의 마드리갈 '무정한 아마릴리'는 몬테베르디가 '이론화'하지 못한 자신의 음악적 입장을 '실제적'으로 드러내고 있다. The true implication of the term, 'Seconda prattica' was the musical interpretation of the semantic aspect of the text. Pursuing the thesis, the author traces debates around the terminology, examines Monteverdi's setting of 'Cruda Amrilli' and finally attempts to make a distinction between music that reflects the syntactic aspect of words and music that interprets the semantic aspect.

과거정부의 통일관과 새로운 방향 모색

정경영(Chung Kyung-young) 전북대학교 국제문화교류연구소 2013 전북대학교 국제문화교류연구소 심포지움 Vol.2013 No.06

We are watching the gradual disappearance of dictators on the historical stage, and are also witnessing the tremendous economic impact on the regime survival. The transformation wave of civilization bombards the Korean peninsula as the global symbol of division and conflict. We anticipate that North Korea is going toward a peaceful transition. However, it seems that it does not work at all. Who take the initiative in transforming the trend on the Korean peninsula? The Republic of Korea, which passed through trials and challenges including colonial rule, division of the peninsula, civil war, dictatorship, and severe poverty, should make a provocative role in carrying out the holy mission. The division of the Korean peninsula as the international issue as well as the internal national problem could be resolved by the national determination and will to reunify the divided nation by exercising strategic preponderance over North Korea and cooperating with the international community. The paper will take a theoretical review on integration and unification, continue to draw the achievements and lessons learned addressing South Korea"s previous liberal and conservative administrations policy toward North Korea in terms of foreign and security perspective. The paper examines the implication of the following trend such as Jasmine revolution, the rise of China, and the domestic radical-conservative conflict. Finally, the paper will make policy recommendations in reshaping South Korean foreign and security policy supported by the strong army. The recommendations include the comprehensive and strategic alliance with the U.S., proactive policy toward China and security regime building in Northeast Asia.

학술논문 : 전작권 전환 정상추진과 한미동맹의 비전

정경영 ( Kyung Young Chung ) 한국군사학회 2013 군사논단 Vol.74 No.-

The transition of wartime operational control and North Korea`s nuclear issue is an issue of national identity and survival. The idea to defer the transition of wartime operational control before North Korea`s nuclear issue is resolved seems like a strategy that guarantees South Korea`s national security. This opinion is similar to the logic that as long as the current North Korean regime exists, because North Korea will never abandon nuclear weapons for regime stability, securing of economic support, holding South Korea as hostage, and nuclear attack and threat, South Korea will never be able to accomplish the transition of wartime operational control. As long as wartime operational control isn`t normalized, South Korea will continue to be in a situation being dragged around by a dictatorship regime and a nuclear-armed North Korea. The transition of wartime operation control implies the following significance in terms of the fundamental changes in the national security of the Republic of Korea. First, exercising operational control over the ROK Armed Forces is essential for pursuing unification during both peacetime and wartime. Second, by recovering national identity and securing autonomous employment of military forces, South Korea will be able to deter North Korean military adventurism and promptly and decisively retaliate in the event of any provocation. The transition of wartime operational control provides a momentum for expanding South Korean diplomatic activity by demonstrating a more independent foreign policy. Those who oppose this transition insist that the implementation of the transition of wartime operation control by December 2015 will inevitably dismantle the ROK-US combined defense system and will have a severe impact on the security capability of the country. They also reason out that the implementation of the wartime operational control transition could induce US forces to pull out of the peninsula and eventually end the ROK-US Alliance. In particular, it will be more difficult for the US Government to deploy augmentation forces to the Korean Peninsula in the event of war because the transition turns the alliance into a mere cooperative relationship. Hence, there will no longer be automatic support and deployment in the event of war. Finally, the fact that the pre-planned war fighting capability project was not executed because of national defense budget constraints makes it more practical, they insist, to delay the implementation of the transition. It is for these intertwining reasons that some factions oppose the planned wartime operational control transition scheduled on December 1, 2015. However, the counter arguments to all of these are strong. The wartime operational control transition must be implemented as planned because the North Korean nuclear crisis and OPCON issues should be managed separately from each other. Moreover, the North is exploiting the South`s heavy dependence on the US. North Korea views the South as having no authority to command its own forces. Pyongyang therefore would rather push for a bilateral talk with Washington instead of dealing with Seoul. This is a vulnerability for South Korea and is continuously being exploited by Pyongyang. Furthermore, even though the transition pushes through as planned, the US will continue to have a presence on the Korean Peninsula because of the threat posed by China in the region. The US will want to exercise USFK strategic flexibility in dealing with potential Chinese threats. Also the US War Power Act enables the US President to mobilize forces to be deployed in the Korean theater without prior approval from the US Congress. Finally, the vulnerable ROK war-fighting capability could be integrated by the US bridging capabilities. The North Korean nuclear and missile threat that continues to be the reason why some people oppose the implementation of wartime operation control transition should be resolved by the US extended deterrence and South Korea`s own comprehensive strategies. During and after the Key Resolved Combined Exercise last Spring, the US has demonstrated its resolve and commitment to defend the Republic of Korea against the nuclear and missile threats posed by the North, mainly through power projection. The US power projection was exhibited through sending B52 and B2 bombers, as well as F22 fighter jets and a Nimitz Class Aircraft Carrier from Okinawa, Guam and even from as far as the continental United States. All of these should erase any doubt against the US commitment to the defense of the Republic of Korea. Meanwhile, South Korea should continue to develop preemptive action to prevent any disaster resulting from a nuclear attack. The Kill-Chain System as well as the Korean Air Missile Defense System should be established. Seoul needs to acquire Global Hawk and develop ballistic missiles to neutralize North Korea`s missile capability. Moreover, a diplomatic track should also be explored by institutionalizing the trilateral strategic talks among Seoul, Washington and Beijing in order to prevent further military provocations from Pyongyang. It could also be a venue to induce North Korea to become a responsible member of the community of nations in the region. Further, South Korea should actively join international consortium for Cross-border Regional Economic Development with China, North Korea and Russia as partners. Our two countries have made every effort for the preparation of the wartime operation control transition in accordance with Strategic Alliance 2015, such as the ROK-JCS Military Structure reorganization, reinforcement of ROK war fighting capability, and a joint war plan and strategic directives that will be applicable to ROK-US Combined Forces after the transition of wartime operation control. An evaluation team will report the results to the 2015 Security Consultative Meeting. Eventually, by the 1st of December 2015, the transition of wartime operation control will be executed. There were critical agreements and joint communiqu? between the two governments. First, the ROK Chairman of JCS and the USFK Commander signed a joint operation plan against North Korean provocation on March 22nd. Second, during Park Geun-hye`s visit to Washington, both presidents proclaimed a join communiqu? on the 60th Anniversary of the ROK-US Alliance. President Obama made it clear that the transition of wartime operation control should be implemented as planned. Third, the Defense Ministerial Talks between the US and ROK, which was held in Singapore on May 31, 2013 reconfirmed the preplanned implementation of the transition, including the review of ROK-US theater command to be commanded by the ROK Chairman of the JCS supported by USFK Commander as deputy commander. These imply a strong determination from both governments to implement the mutually agreed wartime operation control transition. Finally, the President of South Korea should initiate quarterly wartime operation control transition preparedness conference. This is to facilitate bipartisan and public support. A synchronized effort by the presidential leadership will enable South Korea to smoothly implement the transition of wartime operation control as planned by December 1, 2015. This historical epochal event, the transition of wartime operation control, indicates that South Korea is taking off as a strong and rich nation. This would deter the North from ever challenging the resolve of the country again through provocations. The ROK-US Alliance will be a great model by achieving industrialization and democratization, followed by self-reliant defense of the Republic of Korea.

트럼프 신행정부의 안보정책 전망과 한·미 군사관계

정경영 ( Chung Kyung-young ) 한국군사학회 2016 군사논단 Vol.88 No.-

Trump`s Era symbolizing America First and Neo-isolationalism which is reluctant to intervene in conflict is challenge as well as opportunity for the ROK-U.S. Alliance. The rise of the Donald J. Trump administration refers to signal the transition of interdependence alliance from the traditional military alliance blooded in arms. The paper explores the security implication of the political rise of Trump. The paper also addresses the Trump administration`s security policy in terms of global and Asian-Pacific perspective and will be followed by its security policy toward the Korean peninsula. Then, the paper discusses the prospects and the ROK`s strategy & policy related to potential military issues between two allies including North Korea`s nuclear program, burden-sharing, deployment of THAAD system, transition of wartime operation control, and General Security of Military Information Agreement between the ROK-Japan and ROK-U.S.-Japan Military Cooperation, Thanks to the alliance with the U.S., the ROK could become the 11th largest economic power and political democratization. Once the ROK will take the lead in defending North Korea`s threat by the transition of the wartime operational control and will be willing to pro-actively take responsibility in burden-sharing and participate in regional and international security agenda under the close partnership with the U.S., the rise of the Trump administration will ensure the two allies to enrich their national interest and the failed or failing states in the world to take the ROK-U.S alliance as a great model alliance in terms of economic growth, political development and eventual self-reliance defense.

미국의대(對)한반도 정책과 우리의대(對)미 안보정책 방향

정경영 ( Kyung Young Chung ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2013 국방연구 Vol.56 No.1

오바마 2기 정부는 북한의 WMD확산 차단, 빈곤 완화와 인권 개선에 보다 적극 개입 할 것으로 예상된다. 또한 완벽한 연합전비태세 하에서 전작권 전환을 추진하고, 주한미군 운용관련 기계화부대 순환배치와 포병·육군항공부대를 전방에 추진 배치하면서 동시에 주한미군의 전략적 유연성을 발휘하기 위한 체제를 구축할 것으로 전망된다. 본 논문에서 ① 북핵·미사일 위협과 국지도발에 따른 맞춤형 대응체제 발전, ② 한국 주도, 미국 지원의 신연합방위체제 구축, ③ 미래 한미동맹의 비전과 주한미군의 역할 발전, ④ 자연재해 대비 동북아 신속대응체제 구축, ⑤ 한·미·일 안보협력과 한·미·중 전략대화 추진, ⑥ 방위비 분담금에 대한 회계감사권과 주한미군 근무 한국인에 대한 인사권 행사를 박근혜 정부의 대미정책 방향으로 제시하고 있다. It is expected that the second Obama administration will pay much attention to preventing North Korean WMD proliferation, and improving its poverty and human rights situation. The 2015 transition of wartime operation control will be implemented under the robust combined readiness posture in parallel with strategic flexibility of U.S. Forces in Korea. This paper recommends that the Park Geun-hye adminstration should: 1) establish a new combined defense system led by the ROK, 2) develop tailored response systems against North Korean nuclear and missile threat and provocations, 3) reshape a vision of alliance with the role of USFK, 4) establish disaster-response forces in the region, 5) pursue ROK-U.S.-China trilateral strategic talks as well as ROK-U.S.-Japan security collaboration, and 6) exercise personnel management authority over Koreans assigned to USFK, as well as financial jurisdiction over defense burden sharing budget.

북핵 위협 타개를 위한 정치외교·군사 해법

정경영 ( Adjunct Professor Chung Kyung-young ) 한국군사학회 2017 군사논단 Vol.92 No.-

The Moon Jae-in administration pursues its national vision in building a peaceful Korean peninsular along with denuclearization, a peace regime, and arms control. It is estimated that North Korea is in a position to attack South Korea by missile equipped with nuclear warhead and will be able to attack the Continental United States by nuclear warhead with Inter-continental Ballistic Missile within a few years. Unless North Korea’s nuclear missile threat will be resolved, we never expect that national security of the Republic of Korea be guaranteed, peace on the peninsula and unification led by the ROK be achieved. In the context, it is urgent that political, diplomatic and military comprehensive strategies should be developed and implemented. Under the strategic perception and problem awareness, the paper attempts to assess North Korea’s nuclear and missile capabilities and its strategy. The paper will conduct its analysis of the ROK’s failure in containing North Korea’s nuclear development and draw lessons. The paper will provide political and diplomatic prescriptions including establishment of a national security consultative regime, South-North Talks between two Koreas prior to preaction for denuclearization talks, diplomatic and military fusion ROK-U.S. collaboration, ROK-U.S.-Japan security cooperation, strategic cooperation with China and Russia, coordination with the UN and international community, and strategic communication commission consisting of security experts, policy-makers and SC experts co-located in Washington D.C. and Seoul. In the meantime, policy recommendations for military neutralization of North Korea nuclear and missile devices are as follows: early warfighting advancement of tri-pillar systems composing of kill-chain, Korea Air Missile Defense, and Korea Massive Punishment and Retaliation, activation of strategic command, tailored deterrence strategy, routine rotation deployment of strategic assets in the vicinity of Korea Theater Operations, early transition of wartime operation control, military actions in order to prevent catastrophic nuclear warfare, continuous combined exercises and training, and strategic communication for the public national support and empathy.

차기정부의 국방정책 방향과 핵심 쟁점 및 해결 방안

정경영 ( Chung Kyung-young ) 한국군사학회 2017 군사논단 Vol.89 No.-

The turbulent domestic and foreign situation dictates challenge and hardship for South Korean people which will have a great impact on the ROK`s national destiny. The domestic groups denying era spirit and self-reliant defense, the Trump adminstration`s America first, assertive China as emerging hegemony power attempt to engulf the ROK. The ROK might adrift and be swept away due to the serious security situation unless the government, people and the military respond with determined security readiness in order to cope with the threat and challenge. Being aware of the strategic perception and crisis, the paper attempts to conduct a comprehensive security assessment, then establish a G7 Unified Korea as a vision of the ROK and recommend national security tenets, and also recommend `Superb and Dignified ROK Military` as a defense security`s vision; as defense security`s objectives including protecting the ROK against external military threat and invasion, reinforcing self-reliant defense posture by the early transition of wartime operation control, contributing to supporting the peninsular peace regime, regional stability and global peace, finally cultivating camp culture for national mental disciplining through strategic communication. Finally, the paper attempts to address the following eight core issues and recommend policy recommendation for the next adminstration. The core issues are as follows ① The Trump`s policy toward North Korea and the Korean peninsula, ② North Korea`s nuclear and missile challenge, ③ cyber attack and psychological warfare, ④ defense burden sharing, ⑤ transition of wartime operation control, ⑥ defense reform such as defense acquisition program, camp culture renovation and adjustment of military service tenure, ⑦ peacemaking on the peninsula.

"민속음악"과 "바르톡의 미속음악" -피아노곡 < 15개의 헝가리 농부가>(1914-1918)를 중심으로-

정경영 ( Kyung Young Chung ) 한국음악학회 2004 한국음악학회논문집 음악연구 Vol.33 No.-