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The Emergence of Transnational Media Network in the Arab World: The Case of Al-Jazeera
Hyung Kwon Jeon (전형권),Shukurova Mekhriniso (메흐리니소) 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2007 지중해지역연구 Vol.9 No.1
중동지역에서 위성 TV방송과 다른 새로운 미디어의 출현은 아랍권의 정치 및 사회적 환경을 현저하게 변화시키고 있다. 특히 아랍권의 목소리를 대변하는 알자지라의 등장은 다른 지역과 구별되는 특수한 아랍권의 정체성을 구성하면서, 동시에 초국가적 미디어네트워크로 발전함으로써 세계의 이목을 집중시키고 있다. 이러한 문제의식 하에서 이 논문은 알자지라 방송의 사례를 통해 아랍권내의 초국가적 미디어 네트워크의 등장과 발전과정을 논하고자 한다. 이 연구는 우선 지구화와 초국가사회 및 미디어네트워크에 관한 이론적 검토를 토대로 아랍권에서 위성 TV방송의 출현 이전에 나타난 미디어 현상을 살핀다. 연구자들은 현대 아랍권 미디어의 발전과 위성 TV 및 초국가 사회의 발전, 아랍권 미디어 네트워크로서 대표적인 역할을 하고 있는 알자지라 방송의 사례, 그리고 알자지라의 지구적 발전을 가로막는 제약요인들을 검토하고 그 함의를 제시한다.
전형권(Jeon Hyung-Kwon) 한국정치정보학회 2006 정치정보연구 Vol.9 No.1
이 논문은 중국의 환경세력에 대한 연구로서 점차 부상하고 있는 민간 부문 환경단체와 정부 환경 당국의 역할 및 그들 간의 파트너십 형성에 관한 사례를 분석한다. 이를 통해 중국에서 환경운동이 일정한 성공을 거둔 배경과 정치적 함의를 밝히고자 한다. 여기서는 민간과 정부 환경 당국이 힘을 결집하여 대형 국책사업을 중단시킨 두 가지 사례를 중심으로 연구를 진행한다. 중국 최초 민간 환경세력의 승리로 기록되는 ‘노강 보위전’과 정부 환경 당국의 승리로 기록되는 ‘환보 폭풍’은 그동안 열세에 놓였던 환경세력이 새롭게 부상함을 보여 주는 의미 있는 사례이다. 뿐만 아니라 이는 그동안 정부의 수동적 동원 대상이었던 민간세력이 수평적인 협력 대상자로 부상함으로써 향후 대항적인 환경동맹의 초보적인 모습을 보여주었다는 점에서 의미가 크다. 이러한 환경동맹은 쟁점 영역에서도 과거 환경교육과 캠페인 등 공중을 상대로 하던 방식에서 벗어나 댐 건설 등 대형 국책사업에 대한 반대 등 점차 수위를 높이고 있다. 이는 실질적으로 환경세력이 민감한 사회ㆍ경제 문제에 깊이 개입하는 것이고, 지방정부 등 관련 행위자 사이의 이해관계를 조정한다는 의미에서 정치적 함의가 크다. 중국의 환경 NGO들이 당장 조직화된 정치세력으로서 정부를 감시하는 단계에 이르기는 어렵겠지만, 이들에 의한 반복적인 환경분쟁의 증가와 이슈의 일상화는 중국인들로 하여금 환경 문제에 대한 정치적 이해를 높이는 계기로 작용할 수 있다. This study aims to examine the roles of environmental forces and the emerging factors of the civil-governmental partnership in China. It focuses on the breakoff cases of the large sized national projects, such as the 'Nujiang Dam Project', caused by China's environmental forces. The 'Anti-Nujiang Dam’ movement, recorded the first winning of civil environmental forces in China, is a good example in that it shows a new model of environmental partnership between governmental authority and civil society which has been forcibly mobilized from government. It could be regarded as a rudimentary development of countermovement for environmental protection. In environmental issues, Chinese environmental forces, contrary to the past way mainly engaging in mass campaigns or educational activities for environmental protection, are directly opposing to large sized national development projects such as dam constructions. This means that Chinese environmental groups are deeply involved in social and economic issues. Thus the Beijing should coordinate the interests among related agencies such as regional governments and the populations. It is true that, unlike the past, Chinese civil organizations have been rapidly developed seeking new roles. However we should notice China's domestic political context on which the organizations work. In this context, despite some successful cases in environmental movement like the 'Anti-Nujiang Dam Movement', many constraints to its further development still remain.
전형권(Hyung Kwon Jeon) 한국정책분석평가학회 2008 政策分析評價學會報 Vol.18 No.4
This paper examines how the Korean’s policy agendas on the overseas Korean to be constructed and what are the main factors that determine the quality of government policy and its performance in critical view. And it will provide some possible alternatives to Korean government for enhancing economic and cultural cooperation and exchange. For this purpose, the author analyzes the process of national agenda setting, policy building and operation system and the performance of networks focusing on the economy, education, and culture.We can evaluate the government’s policy on diaspora network by three dimension. Firstly, it seems to be adequate that the government intervenes in building diaspora network at present, however, the national policy agenda and an all-out plan still lacks and shows unsystematic. Secondly, the government policy has not fully reflected the needs of diaspora society and the plans and programs of related ministries have been overlapped in various fields because of the lack of independent and mediatoral authority, in result, the operation system in government is inefficient. Thirdly, even the networks in various fields has rapidly emerged, they do not be made use of in the right place due to many obstacles.Based on these analysis, I would present some better policy measures to government in building, supporting, and using global Korean networks as followings. First, the policy system needs to be rearranged. Second, the budget system of the Overseas Korean Found need to be unified and the authority should be reorganized in order to accelerate its own business. Third, Korean government should set up a national long term-policy agenda and develop annual action policy measures for economic and cultural cooperation between homeland and overseas Korean communities. Fourth, we need to make a national consensus on the policy philosophy and legal the task of building network in the first place, however, the private sections including overseas Korean society should play a reading role when their condition mature.
전형권(Jeon Hyung Kwon),Yulia Yim 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2006 슬라브학보 Vol.21 No.2
This article examines the ethnic policy of Uzbekistan and identity of Uzbekistan Korean. It analyses the lifestyle, language condition, and diaspora consciousness under host country's ethnic and national policies, by the basis of a questionnaire survey of 200 samples conducted in Uzbekistan. The survey focuses on the Korean diaspora's settlement in host society, their perception to Uzbekistan's ethnic policy, the objective and subjective features of the Korean ethnic identity, and the correlation between their identity and the host country's related policy. According to the research, the subjective identity like ethnic attachment, Korean identification, and ethnic pride remained relative strong, while the objective identity, such as mother language and cultural level, was weak. The relatively high level of the subjective identity of the Uzbekistan Korean shows the characteristic features of Korean diaspora spinning transnational boundaries and suggests followings. First, the current identities of the Korean would be a changeable for lack of vitality or continuity which represents as language and culture. Second, there is a correlation between Uzbekistan's ethnic policy and the identities of the Korean, as a result, the level of Korean ethnic identity can be high, when the policies play positive roles in language and cultural condition of the Uzbekistan Korean. Third, the host country's ethnic policy and 'the place of diaspora' as well as ethnic factors, such as blood ties and common cultural basis, can influence on constructing the Korean identity. Finally, we have to recognize the growing multi-identity of Uzbekistan Korean as natural phenomenon, rather than anticipate any more them having a single ethnic identity. This implies that we should support the Korean diaspora to settle successfully in Uzbekistan, in turn, to find themselves more positive roles in devoting homeland.