[토론4] 「크라우드워커의 사회적 보호 필요성과 정책과제」에 대한 토론문 장지연 한국노동연구원

장지연 한국여성정책연구원(구 한국여성개발원) 2021 한국여성정책연구원 세미나자료 Vol.2021 No.12

마산신조불석탑 (馬山新造佛石塔) - 숭양산인 (嵩陽山人) 장지연 (長志淵) ( 조선불교총보 (朝鮮佛敎叢報) 제 14 호 , 1919 년 )

장지연 삼십본산연합사무소 1919 朝鮮佛敎叢報 Vol.14 No.-

麗末鮮初 遷都論議에 대하여

장지연 서울대학교 인문대학 국사학과 2000 韓國史論 Vol.43 No.-

지여니의 중국 기행

장지연 한국역사연구회 1999 한국역사연구회회보 Vol.- No.36

조선 후기 都城圖를 통해 본 壇廟 인식

장지연 조선시대사학회 2008 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.45 No.-

Examined in this article, are the old maps of Choson which contain past people's perception of space. And more specifically, through the old maps of Seoul, it is attempted to determine what kind of status that the Dan-Myo/壇廟 figures(altars and shrines) that were located in the Hanyang capital area would have been occupying inside the people's mentality at the time. There are many maps that meticulously describe the features of the capital and the nearby areas inside 『Old Maps of Seoul』 published by the Institute of Seoul Studies, and the altars and shrines indicated on those maps are mainly analyzed in this article(altars and shrines designated for the second-level sacrificial rites[中祀] and the third-level sacrificial rites[小祀] services, and located outside the capital, to be exact). In addition, the 'Daebo-dan' altar/大報壇(the altar for Great Recompense) and Dong&Nam Gwanwang-myo shrine(東 · 南關王廟) which were constructed in the later days, is considered as a special case and analyzed as a separate issue. Analysis of the cases reveal certain results. 1) Most of the altars established in the 'Gil-ryae/吉禮' section's 'So-sa/小祀' part of 『Gukjo Oryae-eui/國朝五禮儀』 are not indicated upon the maps, yet Yeo-dan/厲壇(the altar for revengeful ghosts) and Buk-dan/北壇 (the north altar) figures are in many cases indicated. 2) Among altars established in the 'Jung-sa/中祀' part, San-dan/山壇 or Sancheon-dan/山川壇(the altar for mountains and rivers) figures(which were also referred to as Nam-dan/南壇(the south altar) are in many cases indicated, and the Seonnong-dan/先農壇(the altar for good crop) figures were frequently indicated, while the Seonjam-dan/先蠶壇(the altar for good silkworm cultivation) figures were in most cases not indicated. 3) In the meantime, Dong&Nam Gwanwang-myo figures(東 · 南關王廟) which were enlisted in the 'Service' chapter(祀典) relatively later, and the Daebo-dan/大報壇 altar which was never included in that chapter, are very frequently indicated. We can draw some conclusions from this analysis. First, we can say that the capital city maps created in the later days of Choson did reflect the 'essence' of the 'Service' chapter(and the reality of the time). Several altars that had been included in the 'So-sa' part yet bore no tangible importance were not indicated upon those maps, while Yeo-dan, Sancheon-dan and Seonnong-dan figures, for which modifications were made to the services arranged for them since the 18th century because of their own respective meanings, were included. Second, alongside the institutions regarding altars and shrines, which were reflecting the Choson Junghwa(朝鮮中華) mentality of the time and also the kings(since Sukjong)'s continuing efforts to reinforce their own ruling authority, the capital maps were doing the same job as well. We can see that from the indication of Dong&Nam Gwanwang-myo shrines and the Daebo-dan altar upon those Capital maps. Particularly the Gwanwang-myo shrines, which were actively worshipped by the people and were also located in important traffic spots, were described on the maps with more details. Coming into the 19th century, Dong&Nam Gwanwang-myo shrines and altars such as Yeo-dan and San-dan, started to show a tendency of still being indicated on the maps yet instead referred to with 'directional inclinations' based upon their location from the capital. We can see that their ever-strengthening presence compared to the other minor altars were influencing the people to habitually refer to these prominent figures with not names but directions. Examination in this article reveals that maps do reflect the perceptions of the people and the nature of the society they lived in. These maps do mirror the institutional customs in real life and their influence upon people's mind. Used effectively, old maps could indeed be one of the ultimate sources for historical studies. 이 글에서는 당대인들의 공간에 대한 인식이 담겨 있는 고지도를 분석함으로써, 한양 壇廟가 당대인들의 심성에서 차지했던 위상과 비중을 살펴보았다. 본 논문에서는 서울학연구소에서 편찬한 『서울의 옛 지도』 도록 중 도성과 그 주변을 중심으로 표현한 지도를 대상으로 지도에 표기된 단묘들을 분석하였다. 단묘의 범위는 한양 도성 밖에 있는 中祀와 小祀의 단묘들을 대상으로 하였는데, 대보단과 동 · 남관왕묘의 경우에는 조선 후기에 특별히 건설된 단묘로서 별도 항목으로 설정하였다. 분석 결과 다음과 같은 특징들을 도출할 수 있었다. 1) 『國朝五禮儀』 吉禮 小祀에서 규정한 대부분의 제단들은 표기되지 않았지만, 厲壇 혹은 北壇의 표기 비중은 상당히 높은 편이다. 2) 中祀에 속한 제단 중 山壇 혹은 南壇으로 칭해진 山川壇은 표기 빈도가 매우 높으며, 先農壇 역시 표현 비중이 높은 편이었다. 그러나 先蠶壇은 거의 표현되지 않았다. 3) 뒤늦게 祀典에 등재된 東 · 南關王廟와 사전에 등재되지 못한 大報壇은 표현빈도가 매우 높았다. 이를 통해 다음과 같은 결론을 내릴 수 있었다. 첫째 조선 후기의 도성도에는 당시 祀典의 실제가 반영되어 있었다. 비중이 거의 없었던 길례 소사의 여러 제단들은 전혀 표기가 되지 않았던 것에 비해 여단, 산천단, 선농단 등은 18세기 이래 나름의 의미를 가지고 전례가 재정비되었던 단묘들이었다. 둘째 당시 단묘 제도와 의례는 조선중화의식과 그를 바탕으로 한 숙종대 이래 국왕권을 강화하려는 시도에 따라 재정비되었는데, 이것이 도성도의 표현에도 반영되어 있었다. 대표적인 것이 동 · 남관왕묘와 대보단의 표현이었다. 또한 국가에 의한 단묘 정비에 더하여 교통의 요지이며 민간에서 활발한 신앙행위를 했다는 점은 관왕묘의 비중있는 표현에 큰 영향을 주었다. 한편 19세기로 내려오면서 동 · 남관왕묘를 비롯하여 여단, 산단 등은 한양을 중심으로 한 방위명으로 略稱되는 경향을 보여준다. 이는 한양 주변에 포진하고 있었던 여러 제단들이 실제 의미를 가진 단묘들을 중심으로 압축되면서 수도의 주민들이 이들 단묘들만을 방위명으로 관습적으로 칭한 것으로 볼 수 있다. 이상과 같은 분석을 통하여 지도가 당대 사람들의 인식과 시대상을 담고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 또한 역으로 문헌자료만으로는 확인하기 쉽지 않은 제도운용의 실제와 그것이 당대인들의 심성에서 가진 비중을 추정해볼 수 있었다. 이를 통해 고지도가 역사연구의 훌륭한 텍스트로 작용할 수 있다는 가능성을 엿볼 수 있었다.

조선시기 州縣 社稷壇 설치의 의미와 그 실제

장지연 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2011 한국문화 Vol.56 No.-

Examined in this article are the local “Ju/Hyeon” Sajik-dan altars of Joseon. Also examined are how such altars and shrines were established, and what were the meaning of them. At the end of this article, local vestiges in the Gyeong'gi-do province are examined as well, in order to determine the altars’ usual locations, features and designs. In the early days of Joseon, ‘local services for unworthy gods’ were forbidden, and the government intended a radical reform of the existing ritual system. Yet during King Taejo’s reign, only the ideas of establishing a National Literary Shrine and settling down a series of local Seong’hwang-sa shrines were put on the table for consideration. The concept of creating a brand new Altar system was never suggested or conceived. Only after it was decided to retransfer the capital back to Hanseong in 1406(6th year of King Taejong’s reign), a governmental initiative was announced for a comprehensive reform of the national ritual system, which included the establishment of new altars. At the time, the Buddhist temples and other kinds of unofficial shrines throughout the country were being scrapped, and the lands and Nobi servants under their jurisdiction were commandeered by public offices. All those resources were transferred to the Jeon’nong-shi and Gunja-shi offices, and served the government as new revenue sources. Some of them were diverted to local administrative centers, and even to local Hyang’gyo schools. The abolishment of Buddhist temples and other shrines also indicated that the Joseon society was going to witness a significant philosophical change throughout the country. The government[Goryeo]-authorized “Buddhist Bi’bo(“Protector”) monasteries(裨補寺社),” which had been located throughout the country, were originally established as holy places that would support and protect the energy of the Gae’gyeong/開京 capital city, and also had the capacity to serve as administrative centers in local regions. Yet after Hanseong again became the Joseon capital, the Bi’bo monasteries that had been ‘guarding’ Gae’gyeong almost immediately lost its relevance. Then the Joseon government began to establish new local places with specific functions, in the forms of altars and shrines. The most noticeable entities were the Sajik-dan altars and the Hyang’gyo schools. After King Taejong ascended to the throne, the Sajik-dan altars started to be constructed to replace the Goryeo-style services for the Gods(神) and also unworthy local services for the mountains and rivers(“淫事”). In 1406, regulations for Sajik-dan altars and Hyang’gyo schools were created everywhere throughout the country. The formal conductor of the memorial services were the local prefects, but the officials who co-performed the rituals were all from Hyang’gyo schools. Local Hyang’gyo schools, expanding the society’s Neo- Confucian understanding, were working together with the local authorities to spread Neo-Confucian morality and values throughout the country by establishing Sajik-dan service protocols in the local regions. Services at the local literary shrines or at the Sajik-dan altars were performed on the same day with the capital and in relatively same scales, in order to show the public that the capital and local regions shared the same ideology and philosophy, the same ritual and its spirits. Sajik-dan altars were established in every Ju and Hyeon unit, and their locations were generally dictated to be at the west of the local administrative center, but they were located in other positions as well. In case of the Gyeong’gi-do province, as indicated in HShinjeung Dong'guk Yeoji Seung’ramH, we can see most of them were located at the west side of the administrative centers, but according to HYeoji DoseoH, a geographic manual published later, it seems their positions were changed to new and different locations. Apparently in many of those cases the administr... Examined in this article are the local “Ju/Hyeon” Sajik-dan altars of Joseon. Also examined are how such altars and shrines were established, and what were the meaning of them. At the end of this article, local vestiges in the Gyeong'gi-do province are examined as well, in order to determine the altars’ usual locations, features and designs. In the early days of Joseon, ‘local services for unworthy gods’ were forbidden, and the government intended a radical reform of the existing ritual system. Yet during King Taejo’s reign, only the ideas of establishing a National Literary Shrine and settling down a series of local Seong’hwang-sa shrines were put on the table for consideration. The concept of creating a brand new Altar system was never suggested or conceived. Only after it was decided to retransfer the capital back to Hanseong in 1406(6th year of King Taejong’s reign), a governmental initiative was announced for a comprehensive reform of the national ritual system, which included the establishment of new altars. At the time, the Buddhist temples and other kinds of unofficial shrines throughout the country were being scrapped, and the lands and Nobi servants under their jurisdiction were commandeered by public offices. All those resources were transferred to the Jeon’nong-shi and Gunja-shi offices, and served the government as new revenue sources. Some of them were diverted to local administrative centers, and even to local Hyang’gyo schools. The abolishment of Buddhist temples and other shrines also indicated that the Joseon society was going to witness a significant philosophical change throughout the country. The government[Goryeo]-authorized “Buddhist Bi’bo(“Protector”) monasteries(裨補寺社),” which had been located throughout the country, were originally established as holy places that would support and protect the energy of the Gae’gyeong/開京 capital city, and also had the capacity to serve as administrative centers in local regions. Yet after Hanseong again became the Joseon capital, the Bi’bo monasteries that had been ‘guarding’ Gae’gyeong almost immediately lost its relevance. Then the Joseon government began to establish new local places with specific functions, in the forms of altars and shrines. The most noticeable entities were the Sajik-dan altars and the Hyang’gyo schools. After King Taejong ascended to the throne, the Sajik-dan altars started to be constructed to replace the Goryeo-style services for the Gods(神) and also unworthy local services for the mountains and rivers(“淫事”). In 1406, regulations for Sajik-dan altars and Hyang’gyo schools were created everywhere throughout the country. The formal conductor of the memorial services were the local prefects, but the officials who co-performed the rituals were all from Hyang’gyo schools. Local Hyang’gyo schools, expanding the society’s Neo- Confucian understanding, were working together with the local authorities to spread Neo-Confucian morality and values throughout the country by establishing Sajik-dan service protocols in the local regions. Services at the local literary shrines or at the Sajik-dan altars were performed on the same day with the capital and in relatively same scales, in order to show the public that the capital and local regions shared the same ideology and philosophy, the same ritual and its spirits. Sajik-dan altars were established in every Ju and Hyeon unit, and their locations were generally dictated to be at the west of the local administrative center, but they were located in other positions as well. In case of the Gyeong’gi-do province, as indicated in HShinjeung Dong'guk Yeoji Seung’ramH, we can see most of them were located at the west side of the administrative centers, but according to HYeoji DoseoH, a geographic manual published later, it seems their positions were changed to new and different locations. Apparently in many of those cases the administrativ...

성별 임금격차 해소를 위한 정책과제

장지연 한국노동연구원 2017 노동리뷰 Vol.146 No.-

고려 왕실의 태실(胎室)에 대하여

장지연 한국역사연구회 2022 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.124

Examined in this article is the Goryeo Royal Family’s Taeshil(胎室) places. Taeshil refers to a special place chosen as an auspicious ground ideal for a ‘placenta’ -from a royal birth (and put in a container)- to be buried and preserved. The surrounding area would be decorated as well. This establishment of Taeshil places, practiced by people of the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties, is a culture unique to the Korean peninsula, and can hardly be found in adjacent countries. The Goryeo period marked the very beginning of such practice and culture, and examination of it revealed the following results. First, Taeshil places were established since the days of Founder King Taejo (太祖) Wang Geon(王建), but protocols for the practice seems to have been firmly established only in the early 11th century. This would coincide with the reigns of kings Hyeonjong(顯宗, r.1010∼1031) and Munjong(文宗, r.1046∼ 1083), when Goryeo’s other rituals and institutions were completed as well. Second, Taeshil places of Goryeo were oftentimes established in or near the Buddhist monasteries. They not only served as places symbolizing the Kings’ authority, but also functioned as a prayer ground wishing fortune and luck for not only the individuals related to the Taeshil but the entire dynasty as well. That was why the Taeshil places for dethroned kings were dismantled from time to time. Third, Taeshil places were usually established in high places such as hills, due to the time’s belief in mountain and stream deities. Such geographical conditions continued into the Joseon period, and construction of its own Taeshil places. In Joseon, different Pungsu(風水) theories were developed, which led to different locations chosen for the local administrative centers or royal mausoleums. Yet Taeshil was a different matter, as we can see that Taeshil was the one area where the Goryeo Pungsu theories continued to prevail even later on. The Goryeo Royal family’s Taeshil places shows us all the general qualities of the Goryeo Pungsu culture: the symbolic image of the Founder King, influenced by the mountain & stream deity belief, merging of Buddhism and local governing, and the authority of the state and royal family, which affects the destiny of the entire country, etc. Following the Goryeo tradition, the Joseon Royal family also established Taeshil places, yet the range of individuals to receive such places was widened. The places, and their general status was also changed from how they had been during the Goryeo period.

복지국가에서 노동이란 무엇인가

장지연 한국노동연구원 2011 노동리뷰 Vol.80 No.-

다리오포

장지연 공연과이론을위한모임 2002 공연과 이론 Vol.- No.9