데려온 계집아이, 여성 이소선이 되다

장미현(Jang, Mi-Hyun) 한국사연구회 2020 한국사연구 Vol.- No.191

산업화 시기 여성 노동자들의 숙련과 `작업장 질서`의 전복

장미현 ( Jang Mi Hyun ) 역사문제연구소 2016 역사문제연구 Vol.20 No.2

1960s and 1970s was a period was the introduction of new industries and development. Previously, many products were not created so, this was the time when the formation of skilled workers was key national projects. For the promotion of the heavy industries, Park Chung-hee government has devoted especially to the previous emphasis on human resource development needed in this area. However, investment in human resource were made strictly intended only for men. Women workers have stayed in the female jobs because they were not given the opportunity of a wide range of vocational education and training male workers received. The best place for many women to get a vocational training was private institution. However women workers entered the industry have disparaged women and their labor was not only to get away from work. Women workers did not disparage their work and did not try to escape from their own work. Women workers have formed the pride as workers through skills and technology. The recognition of others was the `social recognition` that had not been obtained at school and home. However, such recognition and pride of the women workers was difficult to last. Such women workers with skills and influence in the paradoxical situation have turned to a democratic trade union activists. Skilled female workers have led the democratic trade union movement. Previously They were able to control the workplace through technology. They have tried to overthrew the workshop order. Ironically, they used the ability to control the workplace through technology for the younger women workers to take part in trade union activities. In the process, they were able to regain the pride and recognition of others, the social impact that `initial labor` granted to them but could never persist.

임상 연구 : 복막투석 환자에서 복막염으로 인한 투석도관 제거와 관련된 위험인자

장미현 ( Mi Hyun Jang ),황은아 ( Eun Ah Hwang ),김정은 ( Jung Eun Kim ),최고 ( Go Choi ),한승엽 ( Seung Yeup Han ),박성배 ( Sung Bae Park ),홍윤수 ( Yoon Soo Hong ),이금희 ( Keum Hee Lee ),김현철 ( Hyun Chul Kim ) 대한신장학회 2010 Kidney Research and Clinical Practice Vol.29 No.3

목적: 복막투석액 교환방법의 개선을 포함한 복막투석 수기의 발전으로 최근 복막염의 빈도가 현저히 감소하였으나 복막염은 여전히 복막투석환자의 사망과 복막투석도관 제거의 가장 중요한 원인으로 남아 있다. 저자들은 계명대학교 동산병원에서 복막투석치료를 받고 있는 환자들 중 복막염으로 도관을 제거한 환자들을 대상으로 도관 제거와 관련된 위험인자를 확인하고자 하였다. 방법: 2001년 1월부터 2009년 2월까지 계명대학교 동산병원에서 새로 복막투석치료를 시작한 환자들 중 6개월 이상 추적이 가능하였던 환자들을 대상으로 의무기록을 후향적으로 조사하였다. 결과: 총 8년간의 연구기간 동안 복막투석치료를 새로이 시작한 621명의 환자 중 378명 (60.9%)이 복막염을 경험하였고, 이들 환자에게서 총 917회의 복막염이 발생하였으며 80회 (8.7%)에서 복막염으로 복막투석도관을 제거하였다. 도관제거 환자군 (n=80)과 도관유지 환자군 (n=298) 사이의 연령, 남녀비, 원인 신 질환에는 유의한 차이가 없었으나 복막염 횟수는 도관 유지군에서 0.67 회/환자-연, 도관 제거군에서 1.11 회/환자-연으로 도관 제거군에서 유의하게 복막염의 빈도가 높았다 (p=0.029). 도관제거 복막염군 (n=80)은 도관유지 복막염군 (n=837)에 비해 복막염 발생시까지의 기간이 유의하게 길었으며 (30.4±21.5개월 vs. 20.6±18.4개월, p<0.000), 복막염 발생 당시 혈청 알부민치가 유의하게 낮았고 (2.9±0.5 vs. 3.0±0.5 g/dL, p=0.009), CRP는 유의하게 높았다 (11.9±9.9 vs. 6.2±6.3 mg/dL, p<0.000). 또한 배액 내의 백혈구수가 100/mm3개 이상 지속되었던 날이 유의하게 길었다 (8.5±5.2 vs. 3.5±2.7일, p<0.000). 복막염이 발생된 원인별로는 도관제거 복막염군에서 출구감염의 동반율이 높았으며 (5.0% vs. 1.4%, p=0.043), 복강내 질환의 동반율 또한 유의하게 높았다 (6.3% vs 0.2%, p<0.000). 도관제거 복막염군에서 진균에 의한 복막염의 비율은 도관유지 복막염군에 비해 유의하게 높았고 (26.4% vs. 0%, p<0.000), 2종류 이상의 균이 배양된 환자 비율도 유의하게 높았다 (12.6% vs 3.2%, p=0.002). 도관제거와 관련된 위험인자의 다변량 분석에서는 배액 내의 백혈구수가 100 개/mm3 이상 지속된 기간, 배양된 균수가 2개 이상일 경우가 도관제거의 독립적인 위험인자였다. 결론: 복막투석환자에서 복막염이 발생할 경우 도관제거의 독립적인 위험인자로는 배액 내의 백혈구수가 100 개/mm3 이상 지속된 기간 및 복합 균주감염일 경우가 유의한 위험인자였다. Purpose: Peritoneal dialysis (PD) catheter removal is regarded as an important index of patient morbidity. The aim of this study was to evaluate factors influencing catheter loss following peritonitis in PD patients. Methods: We retrospectively reviewed 917 episodes of peritonitis in 621 new CAPD patients from Jan 2001 to Feb. 2009 in Dongsan Medical center. Episodes requiring PD catheter removal were compared by both univariate and multivariate analyses with those in which PD catheters were preserved. Results: When peritonitis episodes requiring PD catheter removal (n=80) were compared to catheter preserved peritonitis episodes (n=837), the incidence of PD catheter loss increased as the duration on PD preceding the peritonitis were longer (p<0.000). Also, PD catheter removal was more likely to occur after peritonitis episodes with low serum albumin level (p=0.009) and high serum CRP level (p< 0.000), those with long duration of PD effluent leukocyte count remaining above 100/mm3 (p<0.000), those with concomitant exit site/tunnel infection (p=0.043), and those with presence of abdominal pathology (p<0.000). The microbiological determinants of PD catheter loss included two or more bacteria cultured (p=0.002) and fungi (p<0.000). In multivariate analysis, the duration of PD effluent leukocyte count remaining above 100/mL and the number of organism cultured were independent risk factors of PD catheter removal in peritonitis episodes. Conclusion: Duration of PD effluent leukocyte count remaining above 100/mm3, and the number of organisms cultured were independent risk factors for catheter removal following peritonitis.

도시 및 건축 분야의 성인지통계 현황 분석 및 개선방안

장미현(Jang, Mi-Hyun),차은아(Cha, Eun-Ah),강미선(Kang, Mi-Seon) 대한건축학회 2012 대한건축학회논문집 Vol.28 No.11

With the institutionalization of ‘Gender Mainstreaming’ strategy, creating gender statistics is a basic requirement for the gender-sensitive policy making along with Gender Impact Assessment and Gender-sensitive Budget. In spite of its significance and urgency, Gender-sensitive Statistics has hardly been produced in the field of urban planning and architecture, since the field has not only long been regarded as gender-neutral and but also been disinterested in the gender-sensitive policy making. This study aims to examine the current situation of the gender statistics in the field of urban planning and architecture and to propose the ways of improvement for the production of gender statistics and its application. Developing Gender-sensitive Statistics enables to enlighten the different situations of men and women and to analyze the different influence of urban planning and architectural policy for creating gender-sensitive urban environment.

산업화 시기 정부와 여성단체의 ‘여성직종’ 구상과 여성들의 대응

장미현(Jang, Mi-hyun) 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2017 아시아여성연구 Vol.56 No.2

이 연구는 1970년대 정부와 여성단체의 ‘여성직종’ 구상과 ‘여성직종’ 확대를 위해 추진한 여성직업개발사업의 전개 과정 및 그것이 일으킨 변화를 고찰한다. 여성노동력 개발 논의는 1970년대에 시작됐다. 당시 정부는 여성인력개발정책을 고려했고 공식적으로는 여성의 직업 생활을 장려했다. 그 이유는 경제개발계획에 더 많은 여성 노동력을 동원하기 위해서였다. 정부가 선정한 ‘여성직종’에는 기존의 저임금 수출산업에 해당하는 업종이 포함됐다. 고학력 여성이 진출할 ‘여성직종’의 필요도 인지하고 있었지만 고학력 여성들의 직업의식 부족에서 원인을 찾아 여성에게 책임을 전가했다. 제한적이나마 ‘여성직종’ 개발 논의가 확산됐던 것은 ‘여성직종’의 개발이 필요하다는 여성들과 여성단체의 요구가 있어서였다. 이러한 사회적 분위기 아래, ‘여성직종’ 개발에 나선 것은 YWCA와 같은 여성단체의 여성들이었다. YWCA는 ‘새로운 여성직업개발사업’을 통해 성별직종분리구조를 바꾸려했다. 이러한 목표 아래 YWCA는 기존의 ‘여성직종’은 제외하고 ‘남성직종’ 중 여성의 진출이 가능한 직종을 ‘여성직종’으로 선정했다. 이 중 도배, 페인트, 타일 분야의 훈련을 통해 각 분야 여성기능사들을 배출했다. 그 결과, 도배․페인트․타일 업종에서 일정정도 남녀 근로조건의 평등화와 작업장의 젠더 위계질서의 변화가 일어났다. 훈련을 통해 ‘남성직종’에 진출한 여성들은 작업현장의 젠더위계변화, 남성과 동등한 임금을 받는 경험에서 자부심을 느꼈다. 그리고 이들 여성들의 경험과 인식 변화야말로 1980년대 ‘여성직종’의 확대를 만들어 낸 동력이었다. This article aims to analyze “female occupation” ideas of government and female organizations, and the process of promoting “women"s vocational development projects” and the change that resulted. In the 1970s, at least formally, the government encouraged including the need for women"s labor development projects in women"s vocational lives, as part of promoting the economic development plan. The government"s “female occupation” was comprised only of an industry corresponding to the existing low-wage export industry. The government was aware of the necessity of a “female occupation” that advanced into recruiting highly educated women. But the government found the reason for the lack of job consciousness among highly educated women. Even the limited development policy of a “female occupation” was possible because women and women"s organizations said that the development of a “female occupation” was necessary, and created a social atmosphere for it. In this social atmosphere, it was women from women"s groups like the YWCA that started to develop a “female occupation.” YWCA tried to change the structure of gender occupational separation through a “New Women"s Vocational Development Project.” Unlike the government, the YWCA excluded the existing “female occupation.” Instead, the YWCA defined “female occupation” as occupations that women could enter, among “male occupations.” It trained female workers in fields such as papering, painting, and tiling. As a result, there has been a slight change in the gender hierarchy and conditions of the workplace. Through training, female participants who entered “male occupations” felt proud of their experience in the gender hierarchy, and equal pay for men and women. The change in the experience and perception of these women was the driving force behind the expansion of “female occupations” in the 1980s.

건축 및 도시분야 성별영향평가의 현황 및 개선방향

장미현(Jang, Mi-Hyun),차은아(Cha, Eun-Ah),강미선(Kang, Mi-Seon) 대한건축학회 2011 대한건축학회논문집 Vol.27 No.10

As ‘gender mainstreaming’ strategy has been introduced and institutionalized as the basis of national gender equality policy, its institutionalized tool, Gender Impact Assessment (GIA) has been enforced since 1995 in Korea. GIA has been enforced for several urban projects so far, though gender equality on architectural environment has hardly been recognized in the field of architecture and urban planning in Korea. In this regard, the role of GIA in the field of architecture and urban planning should be analyzed to improve gender-sensitive urban environment. This study analyzed the GIA of three New Town Development Plans: Gimpo(2006), Daegu(2007), and Gwanggyo(2008), using gender-sensitive framework based on Structuralist Landscape Assessment(SLA). This study mainly discussed the contributions and limitations of the GIA of the three cases, and proposed future directions of Gender Impact Assessment in the field of architecture and urban planning.

박정희 정부 시기 기능경기대회의 도입과 ‘엘리트’ 기능공들의 임계

장미현(Jang, Mi-Hyun) 역사학연구소 2017 역사연구 Vol.- No.32

1964년 이후 박정희 정부는 기능인력 증대와 공업선진국 한국의 이미지 창출을 위해 국제기능올림픽 참가를 결정했다. 초기에는 국위선양과 한국 상품의 이미지 제고를 통한 수출증대라는 경제적 목적이 강했지만 대회를 직접 주관하고 있던 제 단체들과 이 단체들을 감독한 노동청은 청소년 기능공들의 기능 측정, 기능향상, 그리고 청소년 기능공에 대한 사회적 인식 변화와 기능이 우대받는 사회를 만든다는 사회적 목표를 표방했다. 주최 측의 우려와는 달리 목표는 성공적으로 수행되었다. 무엇보다 청소년 기능공들의 호응이 컸다. 청소년 기능공들의 참여와 경쟁이 심화된 배경에는 학교와 기업 간 경쟁이 있었다. 기업의 경우, 소속 선수가 우수한 성적을 거둘 경우 기업의 기술력이 뛰어나다는 이미지 제고뿐만 아니라 정부가 지원하는 사업 선정에도 유리했다. 국가와 학교, 기업, 개인의 이해가 맞아 비교적 단기간에 기능경기 대회는 정착했다. 이 대회로 인해 부의 축적과 고시 합격, 항력 상승과 같은 요인 외에 기능, 나아가 기술이 성공 요인으로 인정받는 시대로 접어들었다. 일부의 엘리트 기능공들은 이런 시대적 변화를 타고 개인적 계층 상승을 이뤘다. 그러나 기능우대사회를 형성하기 위해 도입된 기능경기대회는 기능공들 내부의 치열한 경쟁의 장이었다. 박정희 정권이 만든 기능우대사회는 기능을 가진 모든 기능공들이 자신의 기술력으로 인정받는 사회가 아닌, 경쟁에서 승리한 기능공들을 선별해 혜택을 부여하는 방식을 취하고 있었다. 청소년 기능공들에게 주어진 가장 큰 혜택은 대학진학의 기회 부여였다. 역설적으로 가장 우수한 기능공들부터 탈기능공화를 시도했다. 그 결과 기능우대사회를 만들기 위해 도입된 기능경기대회의 수상 특혜가 학벌과 학력 중심을 강화하는 효과를 창출했다. 이 과정에서 최고의 기능을 가진 일부 ‘엘리트’ 기능공들마저도 학력과 학벌 중심의 사회로부터 소외를 느꼈다. 사실 ‘기능공존중사회’는 생산직 노동자의 사회적 지위 자체를 높여야 가능한 것이었다. 기능공의 지위 향상이나 학력중심사회의 타파는 결국 생산 자체에 종사하고 있던 노동자들의 사회적 지위가 그 외 직업 종사자들과 비슷해져야 이룰 수 있다. 그리고 1980년대 이후 기능우대, 노동존중의 사회를 만들어 간 것은 국가가 아닌 노동자들 자신이었다. Since 1964, Park Chung Hee government has decided to participate in the International Vocational Training Competition to increase the number of skilled workers and to create an image of a developed industrial country in Korea. In the early years, the economic purpose of increasing exports by enhancing the image of Korean products and strengthening national prestige was strong. However, the organizations that directly supervised the conventions and Office of Labor Affairs that supervised these organizations were responsible for measuring the skills of youth workers, And the social goal of creating a society in which changes in social perceptions and skills are favorable. Unlike the organizer"s concerns, the goal was accomplished successfully. First of all, the response of youth workers was great. There was competition between the school and the company in the backdrop of the participation and competition among the youth workers. In the case of companies, if the participants perform well, it is advantageous to enhance the image that the company has superior technology, and it was also advantageous to select a business supported by the government. have settled in a relatively short period of time because the interests of the state, schools, corporations and individuals are same. This competition has brought us to the era when skills and technologies are recognized as success factors in addition to factors such as accumulation of wealth, acceptance of examination, increase in academic ability. Some of the ‘elite’ craftsmen have achieved this level of personal change by taking advantage of these changes. However, This competition which was introduced to form a society that treats skills was a field of fierce competition within them. The society that treats skills created by Park Jung-hee regime took the way of selecting beneficiaries of the competitors who won the competition rather than a society in which all the skilled workers with the skills were recognized by their own skills. The greatest benefit to award-winning practitioners was the opportunity to advance to college, and paradoxically, the most talented practitioners attempted to seek escape from their existing status. As a result, the award privilege of the competition which was introduced to create a preferential society created the effect of strengthening the academic center. Even some "elite" technicians who have the best function in this process felt alienated from the academic and academic centered society. In fact, "Respectful workers" society was able to raise through the improvement of the status of skilled workers or the breakdown of academic-centered society can only be achieved if the social status of the workers engaged in production itself is similar to those of other occupations. And since the 1980s, it was the workers themselves, not the state, who created a society of skill preference and respect for labor.

복막투석 환자에서 발생한 Rhodotorula Mucilaginosa에 의한 복막염 1례

장미현 ( Mi Hyun Jang ),김정은 ( Jung Eun Kim ),윤정수 ( Jeong Soo Yoon ),황은아 ( Eun Ah Hwang ),한승엽 ( Seung Yeup Han ),박성배 ( Sung Bae Park ),김현철 ( Hyun Chul Kim ),류성열 ( Seong Yeol Ryu ),류남희 ( Nam Hee Ryoo ) 대한신장학회 2008 춘계학술대회 초록집 Vol.28 No.1

1960년대 일본조선연구소의 `식민사상` 제기와 `고도성장체제` 비판

장미현 ( Jang Mi-hyun ) 역사문제연구소 2012 역사문제연구 Vol.16 No.1

The Japanese Joseon Research Institute was a research facility established in 1961, during the time of the Korea-Japan talks and also the `Return project,` the time when the Japanese researchers` interest in Korean studies was growing higher than ever. Through the 1960s and `70s, the Japanese Joseon Research Institute pursued both academic studies and reform activities, and with their activities either in the form of publications or seminars, members of the institute argued that in order to truly reform Japan, the “Colonial thinking(the Colonial philosophy)” of the Japanese public should be erased from the minds of the Japanese people. The Japanese Joseon Research Institute was a place where not only researchers studying the history of Joseon, but also researchers studying the history of entire Asia, all gathered together and analyzed (while also displaying themselves) all the changes that were occurring throughout the Japanese society, as well as the academic community, in the 1960s. The primary focus of the studies and activities of the Japanese Joseon Research Institute was no other than the Korean peninsula, the country which had been invaded by the Japanese imperialism in the early half of the 20th century, and the country the Japanese people was once again about to infiltrate with their economic advances enabled by the Korea-Japan talks in 1965. They argued that the activities of the Institute should concentrate upon eliminating the above-mentioned “Colonial thinking(the Colonial philosophy),” which was turning out to be a constant dilemma which Japan had to face all the time when it negotiated with the Joseon people. The Institute members` intentions were not to merely assess how much of a responsibility the Japanese would have to bear for their invasion of the Joseon peninsula in the past, but to determine the process in which `Colonial thinking` was reinforcing the structure of (Japanese) ruling (of Korea) in the present. It was truly a huge departure from the Japanese `Colonial attitude,` and surprisingly it came from no other than the researchers of Japan, which had been the Imperial motherland in the first place. The concentrated high development in the Japanese society during the late 1960s was also considered to have been a result of Japan`s `invasion` of the Korean economy which was made possible after the signing of the Korea-Japan talks. The Institute argued that because the Colonial thinking was never successfully eliminated or sufficiently suppressed, the Japanese people were not regarding such offenses as invasive ones. They passionately argued that in order to go beyond all the `high developments,` the Colonial `philosophy` should be resolved and be done with more thoroughly. The Japanese Joseon Research Institute`s argument that criticised the Japanese authorities for `forgetting the responsibility for colonizing a country and ruling it,` and that the colonial philosophy was still continuing to exist, was something that was hard to swallow for their contemporary Japanese brethren, who considered the post-war era to be an entirely different time period from the pre-war period, as seen from a `Post-war Democracy` perspective. Even the Japanese Communists blamed the Japanese Joseon Research Institute for defining the victims(the people) as offenders. `Colonial philosophy` was all about Japan`s responsibility for its own past deeds, colonizing a country and ruling it with a fist. Yet the Japanese Joseon Research Institute did not use the word only to analyze the past. The institute members wanted to change the world, and the future of Japan. It was a cause to reconfigure the Japanese consciousness, and the very topic the institute utilized in doing so was the history of Joseon. The Japanese Joseon Research Institute defined the `researchers` as `research activists,` and established the elimination of Colonial thinking(philosophy) as their top-priority action. Their such stance was well reflecting the nature of the Japanese intellectuals of the time, who were more than ready to delve into the real world. They raised some issues regarding the `fashion` of the Japan society`s high development, when economic developments were in high-gear and especially based upon no other than the `colonial thinking`. They urged the Japanese people to think about the role the “Imperialist Americans(or the `Americans fighting the Cold war`)” urged them to play in the first place.

1990년대~2000년대 초반 연세대 대학여성운동의 형성과 특징-여성주의 대학여성운동의 전개와 실천 중심으로-

장미현 ( Jang¸ Mi Hyun ) 연세사학연구회 2021 學林 Vol.48 No.-

1990년대 이후 대학여성운동과 연세대 대학여성운동은 사회와 대학사회 내의 변화로부터 영향을 주고받으며 변모해왔다. 1990년대 중반 이후 대학여성운동은 여성주의자 그룹이 주도하였는데 연세대 대학여성운동도 마찬가지였다. 연세대 대학여성운동은 ‘자주적 여학생운동’ 계열과 보수적 기독교 계열 대학여성운동과 경쟁하면서 여성주의 대학여성운동으로 귀결되었다. 여성주의 대학여성운동은 대학 ‘여성’이라는 수적으로 다수지만 권력 차원에서는 소수인 존재에 대해 사유하는 과정이었다. 그 과정에서 정체성의 구성과 몸의 구성, 정체성 정치와 몸의 정치 같은 다양한 실천을 전개해나갔다. 이 같은 사유의 과정은 새로운 문화를 구성하는 과정이었다. 문화를 바꾸는 과정이었던 만큼 실천은 쉽지 않았다. 다른 여성운동들과 마찬가지로 그들 또한 자신과 싸우면서 ‘운동’을 훼손시키려는 동료, 이웃, 대학사회와 끊임없이 불편한 관계를 이어가고 그 불편함을 표현하면 따가운 시선을 감수해야 했다. 2019년 연세대 총여학생회 제도는 폐지되었다. 제도의 폐지와는 상관없이 대학여성운동은 역사적으로 조명되어야 할 사회운동이며 성평등이 실현된 것처럼 보이는 지금의 대학문화는 이러한 운동의 결과물이다. 향후 서울의 주요 대학 중 하나였던 연세대와 서울지역 다른 대학들, 특히 지역의 대학여성운동에 대해서도 주체의 형성과 지역적 특징, 학내 학생운동과의 관계가 보다 구체적으로 파악되어야 할 것이다. Since the 1990s, the women’s movement on campus at Yonsei University has been unfolded while being influenced by the situation of university community. Since the mid-1990s, campus feminists have led the women’s movement on campus at Yonsei University. They competed with the ‘NL(National Liberation)’ women’s movement group and the conservative Christian women’s movement group on campus. Feminist group on campus at Yonsei University thought and analyzed why women’s students were excluded from power despite the majority and they tried identity politics and body politics through cultural festivals. They aimed to change the masculine culture on campus. Though this process was not simple, they have spread ‘gender politics’ and feminism both inside and outside campus in solidarity with LGBT students and students with disabilities. This article was written focusing on the feminist women’s movement on campus at Yonsei University. However, it is necessary to closely examine the perspectives and practices of the ‘anti-imperialism/nationalism’ university women’s movement on various campuses in the first half of the 1990s. In particular, in the case of the local women’s movement on campus, the relationship between the formation of the subject, regional characteristics, and student movement will be necessary to analyze in more detail.