임화와 김기림의 1940년 전후

장문석(Jang, Moon-Seok) 숭실대학교 한국문학과예술연구소 2013 한국문학과 예술 Vol.12 No.-

1930년대 중반에는 임화와 김기림의 시비평 사이에는 거리가 있었다. 하지만 1930년대 후반 두 사람의 비평적 입장은 점차 가까워진다. 임화와 김기림은 모두 시인으로서 자신의 세대는 이미 종언했다는 것에 동의하며, 오장환으로 대표되는 새로운 세대의 시에 나타난 근대성을 적극적으로 평가한다. 그리고 두 사람은 『이상 선집』을 공동으로 기획하기도 한다. 임화와 김기림의 공유된 비평적 입장 및 조선 신시사에 대한 관점은 『현대조선시인선집』(학예사, 1939)의 발간으로 결실을 맺는다. Im Hwa and Kim Ki-Rim differed in stances toward criticism of poems. But Im and Kim’s stances became converged around 1940s. Im and Kim both admitted the end of their generation’s role in creating poem and complimented the new generation of poets, such as Oh Jang-Hwan, on the modernity in their poems. The Selection of Modern Korean Poets, edited by Im and published by Hak-Ye-Sa in 1939, was collected with the perspective Im and Kim shared. Furthermore, the two planned to publish A Selection of Yi, Sang together.

연구발표논문초록 ( 분리기술 (Ⅰ) ) : 초산섬유소 역삼투막의 제법과 그의 특성

장문석(Moon Seok Jang),이재성(Chai Sung Lee) 한국화학공학회 1987 춘계학술발표회 Vol.- No.-

파시즘과 근대성 : 미국주의에 대한 인식과 표상을 중심으로

장문석 ( Moon Seok Jang ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2008 지중해지역연구 Vol.10 No.4

The relationship between fascism and modernity has long been debated, but still far from being resolved satisfactorily. Some recent studies emphasized the nature of fascism as an alternative modernism. This essay attempts to uncover the modernist streak of the Italian fascism focusing on the fascist perceptions and representations of the Americanism and the United States. In this case, the Italian fascism revealed the anti-Americanism, accepting the modern technology, but repudiating the mass production system and the mechanical civilization. And it seems that, with the ideologies like that, the Italian fascists were searching for the alternative visions of new society and new man. This study implies that it is the ideology of fascism that makes fascism really unique, although fascism came to terms with the establishment including big enterprises like Fiat.

파시스트 이탈리아의 문화 혁명과 지식인들

장문석(Jang, Moon-Seok) 역사학회 2014 역사학보 Vol.0 No.221

This essay looks into Italian fascism’s cultural policies and their repercussions to the Turin intellectual society in the 1930s. Seen from the perspective of stateformation as cultural revolution, Italian fascism can be considered as a totalitarian project to build the nation-state based on the coherent and unitary national culture. In particular, under the serious economic crisis, the regime began to make new efforts to intensify the fascistizzazione of culture, revealing the significant differences from the former cultural policies. Yet, it seems retrospectively that the regime failed to make any serious inroads into Italian culture, at least, the territories of high culture. A case of the Turin intellectual society is symptomatic. Turin, the capital of the Savoyard monarchy and modern industry, showed the remarkable internal intellectual and cultural autonomy under the fascist rule. Turin intellectuals derived the resources for autonomy from the conservative-nationalistic values connected with the monarchy and the liberal customs inspired by Gobetti, Croce and Einaudi etc. Indeed, a case of Turin implies that the so-called fascist cultural revolution was a slow and partial process through adaptation and compromise which might be termed the “gradualist revolution.”

기업가의 사회적 이상 : 비토리오 발레타의 경우

장문석(Jang Moon-seok) 湖西史學會 2012 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.62

Schumpeter's views of the innovative entrepreneur are well known in recent studies in business history. But researchers have paid scant attention to his discussions on the motives embedded in entrepreneur' rational behaviors. Schumpeter mentioned the irrational motives, for example, "the dream and the will to build a private kingdom," "the will to conquer" and "the joy of creating." Considering the presence of these entrepreneurial motives, the focal point in this paper is, in particular, around the social dimensions of entrepreneurship such as the social concepts and ideals defining the entrepreneurs' behaviors through a case of Vittorio Valletta, an entrepreneur-manager of Fiat, the Italian large-scale automobile enterprise. Since having entered Fiat in 1921, Valletta enthusiastically supported taylorism and fordism beside Giovanni Agnelli, a founder of Fiat. In doing so, he was forced to engage himself with the fascist regime. In a document including the key words like technical progress, discipline, labour, nation and human progress, he showed the unique social theory or philosophy that can be interpreted as the organic elements of the traditional formulations of national solidarity in the fascist era. Clearly, he cannot be regarded as a fascist or semi-fascist. However, it is probable that Valletta did not find any contradictions between the objectives of a force which violently and effectively eliminated the obstacles to management and his own social horizons. In crisis of the war and postwar, Valletta was prosecuted for collaborations with fascism. But he did not get any sentence in the specific political situations, and he could make a successful comeback to Fiat. In 1948, a debate between Valletta and Celeste Negarville, a communist senator, demonstrated Valletta's obstinate attitudes to the problems of discipline of labour in factory and postwar economic reconstruction. Fiat of Valletta was no doubt an engine of postwar reconstruction and motorization in the 1950s and 1960s Italy. Valletta's managerial strategy was fundamentally based on the ideas of mass production of the utility passenger cars which permitted Fiat not to compete with the gigantic American automobile firms in the market. For Valletta, of particular important was to product much more in the backward situations in Italy. Especially interesting from our point of view is Valletta's anti-communist model based on the centralized authority and hierarchy that was hostile to syndicates' model of the self-discipline of workers. While defeating syndicates, Valletta pursued the welfare policy for Fiat workers showing Fiat as "great family." This familism was, in fact, a product of Valletta's paternalistic concepts that aimed to make firm a "community of work" or a "community of destiny." Central to Valletta who was strongly conscious of Italy's relative industrial backwardness were the concepts of labour and welfare as well as those of production and development. Taking into considerations Valletta's social ideals, many observers have found the 'national populism', the 'national productivism', and the social-democratic ideas. Surely, it might be difficult to define Valletta with those concepts. Of importance in this paper is, however, the fact that Valletta's ambivalent "conservative utopia" revealed the underlining social ideals in the entrepreneurial behaviors.

두 도시 이야기 -20세기 초 밀라노와 토리노의 산업과 정치

장문석 ( Moon Seok Jang ) 대구사학회 2009 대구사학 Vol.96 No.-

논문(論文) : 19세기 롬바르디아 -베네토의 좋은 아버지의 이념 -모라뇨시(Gian Domenico Romagnosi)에서 로시(Alessandro Rossi)까지-

장문석 ( Moon Seok Jang ) 대구사학회 2010 대구사학 Vol.100 No.-

구술사로 본 20세기 민중문화 : 구술사가 루이자 파세리니

장문석(Jang Moon Seok) 역사비평사 2009 역사비평 Vol.- No.87

This essay aims to explicate oral history focused on Luisa Passerini's works. Passerini has long produced brilliant works based on new methodology and perspective of oral history. It is her first book, Fascism in Popular Memory, that is analysed in detail in this essay. In the book, she uncovered the processes of 'acceptance' and 'appropriation' of fascism by Italian ordinary people, using the oral sources. This essay lays out several proposals for those who are interested in oral history. The main points are as follows: 1) The relationship among social history, microhistory and oral history may be not discontinuous. 2) The structure of popular culture seems to be substantial albeit more or less 'prepolitical' and ambivalent. 3) Memory and history are neither identical nor irrelevant. Indeed, Passerini pioneered a frontier in history and memory.

이탈리아 기업가들과 박애, 1860-1945

장문석 ( Jang Moon-seok ) 역사교육학회 2017 역사교육논집 Vol.62 No.-

This paper discusses the origins and features of Italian modern philanthropy focused on distinguished entrepreneurs such as Alessandro Rossi, Giovanni Agnelli and Gerolamo Gaslini. Olivier Zunz, American business historian, has made a convincing case that American philanthropy was a capitalist venture in social betterment based on the general-purpose foundation, differed from traditional charity. Taking into consideration his case, this paper probes Italian philanthropic ventures which passed through between the state and catholic church. Rossi, a great industrialist and philanthropist in the nineteenth-century Italy, showed a panorama of various philanthropic programs using traditional catholic institutions and practices in rural Veneto. Agnelli, a symbol of `take-off` of the twentieth-century Italian capitalism, made efforts to get the paternalistic and philanthropic initiative in front of the social works performed by the fascist state, in particular, under economic crisis and wartime hardship. And Gaslini, often called “Rockefeller of Italy”, practised the `radical` philanthropy in that he invested the whole, not a part, of the property illustrating a rare example of social contribution through the foundation in contemporary Italy. In doing so, these entrepreneurs raised important issue of the relationship between profit and ethics, or question of how to make capitalism moral and responsible. In spite of some basic limits, their philanthropic examples imply the working of the forces to set moral limits to, and put moral pressures on, capitalism against which neither the state nor capitalist entrepreneurs can resist.

논문(論文) : 카를로 카타네오와 유럽 합중국 -유럽 통합의 연방주의적-자유주의적 계기-

장문석 ( Moon Seok Jang ) 대구사학회 2012 대구사학 Vol.109 No.-