朴殷植의 『渤海太祖建國誌』의 검토

임상선(Lim, Sang-sun) 한국사학사학회 2004 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.10

Balhaethaejogeongukji which was written by Park eun-sik in 1911 has many meanings in Balhae(渤海) history. Above all Balhaethaejogeongukji is the first book that dealt with Balhae history after the practical science period. This book means on the subject of the establishment of Balhaethaejo but also really described the whole Balhae history from the founding to the early 9th century. And this book dealt with various fields which included politics, society, culture, customs, diplomacy, geography and so on in the whole Balhae history. Second in the situation that had national rights taken away under the rule of Japanese imperialism Balhaethaejogeongukji studied the whole Balhae history with Koguryo(高句麗) which was an extension of noticing Manju(滿洲) area for life and an independence movement. Park eun-sik told it was important that we knew our history to recover our race and nation and the system followed Dangunchosun(檀君朝鮮), Koguryo and Balhae.Third it is different that Park eun-sik described the whole Balhae history on a survey on the other hand Chin chae-ho(申采浩)'s description about Balhae stayed the step on the theory of knowledge. It is a lot of analogous contents between Chin chae-ho's Doksasinron(讀史新論) was published in 1908 previous Park eun-sik and Park eun-sik's Balhaethaejogeongukji. Finally understanding Balhae history of Park eun-sik succeeded to previous realist and affected the study about Balhae history of contemporary and after nationalism historians greatly. Recognizing Nambukjo(南北朝) of Balhae and Shira(新羅) was affected by Yu dekgong(柳得恭), Kim jeng-ho(金正浩) and Kim taek-young(金澤榮). Men who recognized and emphasized that Balhae acceded to Koguryo and had great importance in Korean history were Yu dek-gong, Kim taek-young, Jang ji-yeon(張志淵), Chin chae-ho and so on. And Park eun-sik exerted great influence on recognizing Balhae of Shin gyu-sik(申圭植), Jang do-bin (張道斌), Kwon duk-gyu(權悳奎), Hwang ui-don(黃義敦) and Kim sang-gi(金庠基) after Balhaethaejogeongukji.

토양 수분 변동 조건에서 시비 및 유기물 투입에 따른 CO₂와 CH₄ 방출 특성

임상선,최우정,김한용,Lim, Sang-Sun,Choi, Woo-Jung,Kim, Han-Yong 한국환경농학회 2012 한국환경농학회지 Vol.31 No.2

논 생태계를 모의하여 토양에 투입된 비료의 종류(AS, PMC, HV)와 토양 수분 변동조건(습윤기간, 전이기간, 건조 기간)으로 구분하여 $CH_4$과 $CO_2$ 플럭스를 조사하였다. $CH_4$ 플럭스는 0~13.8 mg $CH_4$/m/day의 범위에서 변화하였으 며, 시기적으로 습윤기간 초기와 전이기간과 건조기간 경계 시점에서 높은 값을 보였다. $CO_2$ 플럭스는 습윤 초기에 최대 치를 보이고 지속적으로 감소하다가 전이기간에 다시 상승하 였다. 최종토양의 탄소함량 변화는 대조구에서-5.4%이었고, 비료 처리구에서는-7.5~-16.4%이었다. HV 시용은 타 비종 에 비해 $CH_4$과 $CO_2$ 플럭스를 증가시켰는데, 이는 녹비작물 이 가축분 퇴비에 비해 상대적으로 이분해성으로 배양 초기 에 유기물 분해에 의해 $CH_4$과 $CO_2$ 발생량이 높았기 때문이 다. AS나 PMC 처리구에서 $CH_4$ 플럭스가 대조구에 비해 낮았는데, 이는 AS의 ${SO_4}^{2-}$와 퇴비에 함유된 산화형 물질($Fe^{3+}$, $Mn^{4+}$, ${NO_3}^-$)과 같은 전자 수용체에 의해 습윤기간 중 이들 물질이 전자수용체로 활용되어 $CH_4$ 생성이 감소할 수 있음 을 의미한다. PMC와 HV의 탄소 손실률을 비교하면, HV와 같은 이분해성 유기물에 비해 PMC와 같은 난분해성 유기물 의 시용이 토양 탄소량을 증가시키는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 본 연구는 HV와 같은 녹비 작물이 질소 공급의 측면에서 화 학비료를 대체할 수 있지만, 화학비료 시용에 비해 $CH_4$ 발생 이 증가할 수 있음을 제시한다. 따라서, 이분해성 유기물(녹비 작물)과 난분해성 유기물(가축분퇴비)을 혼합 시용할 경우 양 분공급과 탄소저장량 증대에 모두 유리할 것으로 기대된다. BACKGROUND: Agricultural inputs (fertilizer and organic inputs) and water conditions can influence $CH_4$ and $CO_2$ emission from agricultural soils. This study was conducted to investigate the effects of agricultural inputs (fertilizer and organic inputs) under changing water regime on $CH_4$ and $CO_2$ emission from a soil in a laboratory incubation experiment. METHODS AND RESULTS: Four treatments were laid out: control without input and three type of agricultural inputs ($(NH_4)_2SO_4$, AS; pig manure compost, PMC; hairy vetch, HV). Fertilizer and organic inputs were mixed with 25 g of soil at 2.75 mg N/25 g soil (equivalent to 110 kg N/ha) in a bottle with septum, and incubated for 60 days. During the first 30-days incubation, the soil was waterlogged (1 cm of water depth) by adding distilled water weekly, and on 30 days of incubation, excess water was discarded then incubated up to 60 days without addition of water. Based on the redox potential, water regime could be classified into wetting (1 to 30 days), transition (31 to 40 days), and drying periods (41 to 60 days). Across the entire period, $CH_4$ and $CO_2$ flux ranged from 0 to 13.8 mg $CH_4$/m/day and from 0.4~1.9 g $CO_2$/m/day, and both were relatively higher in the early wetting period and the boundary between transition and drying periods. During the entire period, % loss of C relative to the initial was highest in HV (16.4%) followed by AS (8.1%), PMC (7.5%), and control (5.4%), indicating readily decomposability of HV. Accordingly, both $CH_4$ and $CO_2$ fluxes were greatest in HV treatment. Meanwhile, the lower $CH_4$ flux in AS and PMC treatments than the control was ascribed to reduction in $CH_4$ generation due to the presence of oxidized compounds such as ${SO_4}^{2-}$, $Fe^{3+}$, $Mn^{4+}$, and ${NO_3}^-$ that compete with precursors of $CH_4$ for electrons. CONCLUSION: Green manure such as HV can replace synthetic fertilizer in terms of N input, however, it may increase $CH_4$ emission from soils. Therefore, co-application of green manure and livestock manure compost needs to be considered in order to achieve satisfactory N supply and to mitigate $CH_4$ and $CO_2$ emission.

항온 배양 논토양 조건에서 비산재 처리에 따른 CH₄와 CO₂ 방출 특성

임상선,최우정,김한용,정재운,윤광식,Lim, Sang-Sun,Choi, Woo-Jung,Kim, Han-Yong,Jung, Jae-Woon,Yoon, Kwang-Sik 한국토양비료학회 2012 한국토양비료학회지 Vol.45 No.5

비산재 혼합에 의한 $CH_4$과 $CO_2$ 방출 저감 가능성을 조사하기 위해 질소 ($(NH_4)_2SO_4$) 무처리구와 처리구를 두고 비산재를 0, 5, 10% 수준으로 혼합한 후 토양 수분 변동조건 (습윤기간, 전이기간, 건조기간)에서 60일간 실험실내 항온배양실험을 통해 $CH_4$과 $CO_2$ flux를 분석하였다. 전체 항온배양기간 중 평균 $CH_4$ flux는 $0.59{\sim}1.68mg\;CH_4\;m^{-2}day^{-1}$의 범위였으며, 질소 무처리구에 비해 처리구에서 flux가 낮았는데, 이는 질소 처리시 함께 시용된 $SO_4^{2-}$의 전자수용체 기능에 의해 $CH_4$ 생성이 억제되었기 때문으로 판단되었다. 질소 무처리구와 처리구에서 비산재 10% 처리에 의해 $CH_4$ flux가 각각 37.5%와 33.0% 감소하였는데, 이는 물리적인 측면에서 미립질 (실트 함량 75.4%)인 비산재 시용에 의해 통기성 대공극량이 감소되어 $CH_4$ 확산 속도가 저감되었기 때문으로 판단되었다. 또한, 생화학적 측면에서는 비산재의 $CO_2$ 흡착능에 의해 $CH_4$ 생성의 주요 기작 중 하나인 이산화탄소 환원에 필요한 $CO_2$ 공급이 억제된 것도 원인 일 수 있다. 한편, 전체 항온 배양 기간의 평균 $CO_2$ flux ($0.64{\sim}0.90g\;CO_2\;m^{-2}day^{-1}$) 역시 질소 무처리구가 질소 처리구보다 높았다. 이는 일반적으로 질소 시비에 의해 토양 호흡량이 증가한다는 기존의 연구결과와는 상이한데, 본 연구에서 질소 처리에 의해 활성화된 미생물에 의해 $CO_2$ flux 최초 측정 시점 (처리 후 2일째) 이전에 이미 상당한 양의 $CO_2$가 이미 방출되어 실측 flux에 반영되지 못했기 때문으로 설명이 가능했다. $CH_4$과 유사하게 $CO_2$ flux도 비산재무처리구에 비해 비산재 10% 처리구에서 약 20% 감소하였는데, 이는 비산재의 원소 구성 중 Ca과 Mg과 토양수내 탄산이온의 탄산염 ($CaCO_3$과 $MgCO_3$)화 반응에 의한 $CO_2$ 침전 때문이다. 이상과 같은 비산재 처리에 의한 $CH_4$과 $CO_2$ flux 감소에 의해 지구온난화지수 역시 비산재 10% 처리구에서 약 20% 감소하였다. 따라서, 비산재는 논 토양에서 $CH_4$과 $CO_2$ 방출 저감에 효과가 있는 것으로 나타났으며, 실재 벼 재배 포장에서의 실험을 통한 추가적인 검증이 필요하다. To estimate potential use of fly ash in reducing $CH_4$ and $CO_2$ emission from soil, $CH_4$ and $CO_2$ fluxes from a paddy soil mixed with fly ash at different rate (w/w; 0, 5, and 10%) in the presence and absence of fertilizer N ($(NH_4)_2SO_4$) addition were investigated in a laboratory incubation for 60 days under changing water regime from wetting to drying via transition. The mean $CH_4$ flux during the entire incubation period ranged from 0.59 to $1.68mg\;CH_4\;m^{-2}day^{-1}$ with a lower rate in the soil treated with N fertilizer due to suppression of $CH_4$ production by $SO_4^{2-}$ that acts as an electron acceptor, leading to decreases in electron availability for methanogen. Fly ash application reduced $CH_4$ flux by 37.5 and 33.0% in soils without and with N addition, respectively, probably due to retardation of $CH_4$ diffusion through soil pores by addition of fine-textured fly ash. In addition, as fly ash has a potential for $CO_2$ removal via carbonation (formation of carbonate precipitates) that decreases $CO_2$ availability that is a substrate for $CO_2$ reduction reaction (one of $CH_4$ generation pathways) is likely to be another mechanisms of $CH_4$ flux reduction by fly ash. Meanwhile, the mean $CO_2$ flux during the entire incubation period was between 0.64 and $0.90g\;CO_2\;m^{-2}day^{-1}$, and that of N treated soil was lower than that without N addition. Because N addition is likely to increase soil respiration, it is not straightforward to explain the results. However, it may be possible that our experiment did not account for the substantial amount of $CO_2$ produced by heterotrophs that were activated by N addition in earlier period than the measurement was initiated. Fly ash application also lowered $CO_2$ flux by up to 20% in the soil mixed with fly ash at 10% through $CO_2$ removal by the carbonation. At the whole picture, fly ash application at 10% decreased global warming potential of emitted $CH_4$ and $CO_2$ by about 20%. Therefore, our results suggest that fly ash application can be a soil management practice to reduce green house gas emission from paddy soils. Further studies under field conditions with rice cultivation are necessary to verify our findings.

渤海人의 契丹 內地로의 강제 遷徙와 居住地 檢討

임상선(LIM Sang-sun) 고구려발해학회 2013 고구려발해연구 Vol.47 No.-

渤海 멸망 이전 契丹의 遼東 지역 점유 과정으로부터 928년 東丹國의 遷徙에 이르기까지 渤海 지역에서 契丹 內地로의 渤海人의 천사를 『遼史』 地理志를 중심으로 검토해 보았다. 발해가 멸망하기 이전에 거란 지역에서 발해인이 거주한 곳으로는 上京道에서는 臨潢府의 潞縣, 饒州의 長樂縣이 있다. 東京道에서는 遼州, 同州의 東平縣·永昌縣, 瀋州 소속 巖州의 白巖縣, 廣州, 銀州, 辰州가 있었다. 926년 발해 멸망 직후, 발해인이 천사된 지역으로는 上京道에서 臨潢府의 長泰縣, 定?縣, 保和縣, 宣化縣이고, 祖州의 長?縣, 懷州의 扶餘縣·顯理縣, 慶州의 富義縣, 永州의 長寧縣·義?縣, 饒州의 臨河縣·安民縣에 발해인이 있었다. 東京道에서는 通州의 扶餘縣·顯義縣·强帥縣, 龍州의 黃龍縣·遷民縣, 韓州가 있고, 이밖에 중경도 錦州 소속의 巖州도 발해 포로로 이루어진 주였다. 928년 12월부터 거란은 後患을 염려하여 옛 발해 지역에 있던 東丹國과 그 주민을 거란 지역으로 천사시켰다. 발해 上京龍泉府는 東京遼陽府의 遼陽縣·仙鄕縣·鶴野縣·析木縣·興遼縣, 그리고 湖州와 渤州로 천사되었고, 中京玄德府는 盧州·鐵州·興州는 발해와 거란의 주의 명칭이 같고, 거란 崇州는 발해 榮州를 잘못 표기한 것으로 생각된다. 東京龍原府의 慶州가 거란에서는 開州로 명칭이 바뀌었고, 나머지 鹽·穆·賀 3州는 명칭이 바뀌지 않은채 옮겨졌다. 西京鴨?府의 神州는 거란에서는 ?州로 개칭되고, 나머지 桓州, ?州, 正州는 명칭이 바뀌지 않았으며, 南京南海府의 沃州는 거란에서는 海州로 바뀌고, 해주의 소속 주인 耀州와 嬪州는 남경남해부의 椒州와 晴州가 명칭이 바뀌어 옮겨간 것이다. 5경 이외에 遂州와 信州는 발해의 懷遠府에 있던 주민이 옮겨간 곳이고, 발해의 특수한 주인 ?州·銅州·涑州의 3개 州도 천사되었다. 『요사』 지리지에서 천사 시기를 밝히지 않고, ‘本 무슨 무슨 곳 --- 故縣’, 혹은 ‘故縣’ 만으로 표시된 州, 縣은 東丹國이 천사될 때의 주, 현인 것으로 보인다. 다만, 천사된 戶는 각 府·州·縣의 지배적 집단이었을 가능성이 높고, 그 호수는 모두 발해인이라 하더라도, 이것이 각 부·주·현의 전체 호수라고는 할 수 없을 것이다. This study reviewed the Balhe People’s deportation from their Balhae territory to the inland of Gulran during the period from the Gulan tribal’s occupation on the Liadong region before the Balhe’s fall to the nation Dongran’s deportation in 928 around the geographic book 『The Khitans’ History』 As the areas that Balhae people had resided in Khitan’s ruling region before the Nation Balhae fell, there were Ro-hyun in Limwhang-bu, Sanggyeong-do and Jangak-hyun in Yo-ju. In Donggyeong-do, some Balhae people lived in Ryo-ju, Dongpyung-hyun and Yeongchang-hyun in Dong-ju, Baekam-hyun in Am-ju govered by Sim-ju, Gawng-ju, Eun-ju, and Jin-ju. Immediately after the Nation Balhae fell in 926, some Balhe people were forcibly moved to Jangtae-hyun, Jeongpae-hyun, Bowha-hyun and Seonwha-hyun in Limwhang-bu, Sanggyeong-do, Jangpae-hyun in Jo-ju, or Buyeo-hyun and Hyeon-rhiyun in Whoi-ju, Buihyun in Geyong-ju, Jangneyong-hyun and Woipung-hyun in Yeong-ju, or Limha-hyun and Anmin-hyun in Yo-ju. In Donggyeong-do, as the regions where the Balhae people lived, there were Buyeo-hyn and Hyunwoi-hyun and Gangsu-hyun in Tong-ju, Whangryonghyun, Cheonmin-hyun in Yong-ju, and Han-ju. Besides, Am-ju governed by Geum-ju, Junggyeong-do was made of Balhae captives. Sine Decemer in 928, the Khitan government forcibly moved the people of nation Dongran which had founded in the former Balhae’s territory to some regions governed by the Nation Khitan in order to prevent Dongra’s people’s resistance. The residents in Sanggyeong Yeongcheon-bu, the capital of former Balhae were forcibly moved to Royang-hun, Seonhayng-hyun, Hakya-hyun, Seokmokhyun, and Hongro-hyun in Donggyeong Yoyang-bu, and some residents were forcibly moved to the regions of Ho-ju and Bal-ju. It is considered that the Ro-ju, Cheol-ju, and Heung-ju, the adminstrative districts of Junggyeong Hyunduk-bu might have the same names with Nation Khitan’s regions, and Sung-ju under the Nation Khitan might mistakenly been written the Yeongju under the Nation Balhae. Gyeong-ju in Donggyeong Yongwonbu changed its name into Gae-ju under the Nation Khitan, and the 3 states of Yeom-ju, Mok-ju and Ha-ju remanied their names. Shin-ju in Seogyeong Aprok-bu changed its name into Rok-ju under the Nation Khitan, and the rest s3tates of Whan-ju, Pung-ju and Jeong-ju remained their names. Ok-ju in Namgyoeng Namhae-bu was changed its name to Hae-ju under the Nation Khitan, and the both states of Yo-ju and Bin-hu governed by Hae-ju were the names changed from Cho-ju and Cheong-ju governed by Namgyeong Namhae-bu. Besides the 5 gyeongs, the both states of Su-ju and Sin-hu were the regions where the Balhae residents living lived in Hhoiwon-bu under the Nation Balhae were forcibly moved into, and the residnets in 3 states specially managed by the Nation Balhae were forcibly moved to Yeongju, Dong-ju, and Sok-ju. Jus and Hyuns written in form of former 00 hyun or simply a former hyun not being writing the deportation period in the geographic book 『The Khitans’ History』 are considered as the jus and hyuns at the time when the residents of Nation Dongran were forcibly moved. But only it is very possible that forcibly moved houses(戶) might be the ruling groups of each Bu(府), Ju(州) or Hyun(縣), and even though the number of forcibly moved houses(Ho) might be composed of all Balhae people, they couldn’t be considered the number of total houses in each Bu, Ju or Hyun.

Dry Matter Yield and Nutrients Uptake of Sorghum${\times}$Sudangrass Hybrid Grown with Different Rates of Livestock Manure Compost

임상선,이상모,이승헌,최우정,Lim, Sang-Sun,Lee, Sang-Mo,Lee, Seung-Heon,Choi, Woo-Jung Korean Society of Soil Science and Fertilizer 2010 한국토양비료학회지 Vol.43 No.4

To investigate the growth and nutrient uptake response of sorghum${\times}$sudangrass ($S{\times}S$) hybrid to different rate of livestock manure compost, a field experiment was conducted in the experimental grassland of Chonnam National University. Six treatments were laid out in a randomized block design with triplicates; control (no input), synthetic fertilizer (20 g N $m^{-2}$ and 20 g $P_2O_5\;m^{-2}$), compost 1 (3.4 g N $m^{-2}$ and 3.6 g $P_2O_5\;m^{-2}$), compost 2 (6.8 g N $m^{-2}$ and 7.2 g $P_2O_5\;m^{-2}$), compost 4 (13.4 g N $m^{-2}$ and 14.4 g $P_2O_5\;m^{-2}$), and compost 6 (20.2 g N $m^{-2}$ and 21.6 g $P_2O_5\;m^{-2}$). Ninety days after treatment, above-ground parts of the plants were harvested and measured for dry matter yield (DMY) and amounts of nutrients (N and P) uptake. Synthetic fertilizer application achieved the greatest DMY (2.4 kg $m^{-2}$) and nutrient uptake (38.3 g N $m^{-2}$ and 15.3 g $P_2O_5\;m^{-2}$). Increasing compost application rate tended to enhance DMY accumulation and nutrient uptake (P<0.01), but DMYs of compost 4 (1.9 kg $m^{-2}$) and 6 (1.8 kg $m^{-2}$) treatments were not different. Therefore, it was suggested that application compost alone may not achieve DMY of $S{\times}S$ hybrid compatible to synthetic fertilizer application. As nutrient uptake efficiency data showed that availability of compost P could be better than SF, it might be a strategy to apply compost as P source with supplementary N application such as liquid manure, SF or green manure if necessary considering availability of N input and the yield goals. 가축분 퇴비 시용 수준에 따른 수수${\times}$수단그라스 ($S{\times}S$ hybrid)의 수량 및 양분 (N, P)흡수 변이를 조사하기 위해 전남대학교 부속 농장 초지에서 3반복 난괴법으로 실험을 실시하였다. 6개 처리 (무비구, 화학비료관행구, 퇴비 1, 2, 4, 6 수준)를 두었는데, 화학비료관행구의 비료 처리량은 질소 20 g N $m^{-2}$과 인산 20 g $P_2O_5\;m^{-2}$이고, 가축분 퇴비는 6 수준을 기준시비량 (20.2 g N $m^{-2}$과 21.6 g $P_2O_5\;m^{-2}$)으로 두고 퇴비 1, 2, 4 수준은 그 비율대로 감비하였다. 처리 90일 후 최종 지상부 건물중과 양분 (N, P) 흡수량을 조사하였다. 화학비료 처리구의 건물중 (2.4 kg $m^{-2}$)과 질소 (38.3 g N $m^{-2}$) 및 인산 (15.3 g $P_2O^5\;m^{-2}$) 흡수량이 가장 높았으며, 퇴비 시용량이 증가함에 따라 건물중과 양분 흡수량이 증가하는 경향을 보였다 (P<0.01). 하지만, 퇴비 4와 6 수준의 건물중은 각각 1.9 kg $m^{-2}$과 1.8 kg $m^{-2}$으로 차이가 없었다. 따라서, 가축분 퇴비 단독 시비로는 화학비료와 대등한 건물 생산이 어려울 것으로 판단되었다. 양분흡수효율 분석 결과에 의하면 퇴비의 인산흡수 효율이 화학비료보다 높았기 때문에, 퇴비를 인산 급원으로 시용하고 부족한 질소는 농가의 비료자원 수급 가능성과 목표 수량을 고려하여 액비, 화학비료, 녹비 등으로 공급하는 것이 적절한 시비 전략으로 판단된다.

이화학성이 상이한 가축분퇴비가 시용된 인셉티솔, 울티솔, 안디솔 토양의 질소 및 인 방출 포텐셜

임상선 ( Sang-sun Lim ),이선일 ( Sun-il Lee ),박현정 ( Hyun-jung Park ),이동석 ( Dong-suk Lee ),곽진협 ( Jin-hyeob Kwak ),최우정 ( Woo-jung Choi ) 한국농공학회 2009 한국농공학회 학술대회초록집 Vol.2009 No.-

Interactive effect of composts and soils that have different characteristics on N and P releasing potentials of compost-amended soils were examined through a 19-wk leaching experiment using seven composts and three soils (Inceptisol, Ultisol, and Andisol). Availability of indigenous N soils was revealed as the primary soil factor affecting N releasing potential. Only total N concentration of composts were positively correlated with the amount of N in leachates from compost-amended soils consistently across three soils, suggesting that it can better serve as a predictor of N availability in soils treated with composts than other variables such as mineral N. Mineral N (NH₄⁺+NO₃ ^-) concentration of composts was shown to be a possible proxy for N availability of compost-amended soils (Inceptisol and Andisol) with a relatively low immobilization potential. It was also proven that C/N ratio of compost needs to be considered for prediction of N (particularly NH⁴⁺) availability of compost-amended soils. Ultisol with higher available soil P than Inceptisol and Andisol showed the greatest amount of total P in leachates from the compost-amended soils. In Inceptisol and Ultisol, total P concentration of composts was positively correlated with total P amount in leachates from the compost-amended soils. However such a relationship was not found in Andisol which has a high P sorption capacity, suggesting that total P concentration of composts maybe successfully used in predicting P releasing potential of composts in soils with a low P sorption potential but not for soils with a high P sorption potential. Therefore, it is suggested that initial soil N availability and total N concentration and C/N ratio of compost should be considered to predict N availability of compost-amended soils and initial soil P availability and P sorption capacity, and total P concentration of composts for P availability prediction. (This study was supported by the Technology Development Program for Agriculture and Forestry, Ministry for Food, Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Republic of Korea)

중국 역사교육(歷史敎育)에서의 요(遼)ㆍ김(金)에 대한 인식(認識)

임상선 ( Sang-sun Lim ) 수선사학회 2018 史林 Vol.0 No.64

The textbooks for middle school students, as part of the compulsory education course on the history of China, were examined to gain an understanding of how the viewpoint of the dynasties of Liao (遼) and Jin (金) as the “Conquest Dynasties” in Chinese history have been recognized and taught in the education. In the textbooks for Chinese history education(Curriculum Standard), the dynasties of Liao and Jin were set as collateral countries around the Song (宋) dynasties, while both are described as once having occupied the northern region of the Chinese continent and invading the Song dynasty. Thus, the history of this age is described from the viewpoint of the Song dynasties, in which the Song dynasty are associated with images of peace, while images of invasion and war are set on the respective dynasties of Liao and Jin.

발해의 都城體制와 그 특징

임상선(Lim Sang-sun) 고려사학회 2006 한국사학보 Vol.- No.24

都城은 국가의 통치기관이 있는 정치, 군사 · 문화의 중심지이다. 도성은 중심시설로서의 城郭이 있고, 그 주위에는 왕실귀족이나 평민의 墓地, 방어를 위한 山城, 農耕地, 교통시설, 그리고 종교건축 등이 있다. 이것을 都城體制라고 할 수 있다. 舊國에서 도성은 敖東城이고, 이것을 보호하는 산성이 城山子山城과 通溝嶺山城이고, 이곳에 살던 발해 지배층의 무덤이 조영된 곳이 六頂山古墳群이었다. 두 번째 수도였던 顯州에서는 처음에 河南屯古城이 도성이었으나, 얼마 뒤 西古城으로 옮긴 것 같다. 이 도성과 세트가 되는 산성은 남쪽의 八家子山城이고, 무덤군은 서쪽의 北大古墳群, 그리고 동남쪽의 龍頭山古墳群이 있다. 세 번째 수도인 上京城은 처음에 서고성이나 팔련성과 비슷한 규모였을 것이며, 그후 재차 수도를 정한 이후 현재의 규모로 확장되었다. 상경성을 보호하는 산성중에서는 대왕산산성이나 城墻砬子山城이 두드러지며, 사후공간으로 왕실무덤은 三靈屯古墳, 그리고 일반민은 虹?養魚場墓群과 大朱屯古墳이 있었다. 네 번째로 발해의 수도는 琿春의 八連城인데, 수도로 있던 시기가 10년 이내이므로 성곽만이 어느정도 축조되고 나머지 산성이나 무덤, 생활공간 등은 충분히 갖추지 못하였던 것으로 생각된다. 종래에는 발해의 도성체제가 구국 시기에 산성인 성산자산성과 평지성인 오동성만이 고구려와 비슷한 점이 있었던 것으로 알려졌으나, 본고의 검토결과 중경, 동경, 그리고 상경 시기에도 평지성과 산성이 결합되어 있었다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. The capital city is a main facility and it has castle wall. Around capital city, there are mountain fortress for defense, farmland, transportation structure, religious structure and graveyards of royal family, the nobility and the common people. It is a capital city structure. Until now, the capital citys of Balhae were founded in four places. That four places are ‘Guguk(舊國)’ that first established Balhae, ‘Hyeonjyu(顯州)’, ‘Sanggyeong(上京)’ and ‘Donggyeong(東京)’. In Guguk, the capital city was ‘Odongseong(敖東城)’. Seongsanjasanseong(城山子山城) was a mountain fortress for invasion from the southwest and west, and Tongguryeongsanseong(通溝嶺山城) provided for northeast invasion. The graveyards of the governing classes in Guguk builded in Lyujeongsan(六頂山). In second capital Hyeonjyu, there were two capital cities ‘Seogoseong(西古城)’ and ‘Hanamdungoseong(河南屯古城)’. Maybe at first Hanamdungoseong was a capital city. But after a while, moved to Seogoseong. On south ‘Pargajasanseong(八家子山城)’ is set with this capital city. A mass grave found in west is ‘Bukdaegobungun(北大古墳群)’, and in southeast ‘Ryongdusangobungun(龍頭山古墳群)’. At first, third capital ‘Sanggyeongseong(上京城)’ was similar scale to Seogoseong and ‘Parryeonseong(八連城)’. While the capital was moved to Parryeonseong and moved to Sanggyeong again, Sanggyeongseong was expanded until present scale. ‘Daewangsanseong’ and ‘Seongjangripjasanseong’(城墻砬子山城)’ were prominent fortresses for depending Sanggyeongseong. ‘Samryeongdungobun(三靈屯古墳)’ was a posthumous space for royal family. ‘Hongjuneojanggobungun(虹?養魚場墓群)’ and ‘Dajyudungobun(大朱屯古墳)’ were posthumous spaces for the common people. The forth capital was Parryeonseong in Hunchun(琿春). It is considered this castle and Seogoseong were constructed similar time. Because Parryeonseong was a capital within 10 year, only castle wall was constructed and another things that fortress, graveyard and living space … etc. are not constructed. As mentioned above, Balhae’s capital city structure consisted of castle and fortress like Koguryeo's capital city structure. This is an another evidence that support historic and cultural relation of Koguryeo and Balhae.

발해국(渤海國)과 글란(契丹)(요(遼)) 관계사(關係史)의 연구쟁점(硏究爭點)과 향후(向後) 과제(課題)

임상선 ( Lim Sang Sun ) 중국사학회 2017 中國史硏究 Vol.106 No.-

There are several topics taken notice in the study on the relationship between Balhae Kingdom (698-926) and Khitan. The first is the relationship between the Balhae Kingdom and Khitan people. Khitan Taejo mentioned that Balhae Kingdom is a “vengeance of the all generations”. According to current research on this, Balhae and Khitan have had some periods of confrontation but they were not the enemies in the all generations. The second is about the cause of the destruction of Balhae in 926. In principle, the viewpoints of scholars are divided into whether the cause of fall of Balhae is internal or external. The third is the study on the remain people of Balhae, which means Balhae people after the fall of Balhae Kingdom by the attack of Khitan. The research on the Balhae remain people under the Khitan Kingdom(also called `Liao`; 907-1125) can be divided broadly into the study on the composition of the Balhae remain people, that on the life of the Balhae remain people, and that on the resistance against the control of Khitan, that is, the Balhae revival movement. The remain people of Balhae shared the same national and historical awareness that they were descendants of the Balhae Kingdom, regardless of where they resided. The study on the relationship between the Balhae and Khitan in the future should clarify the relationship in the international situation of East Asia from the late 7th century to the early 12th century. It is also necessary to elucidate the Dongran Kingdom established in the former Balhae region by the Khitan after the destruction of Balhae Kingdom.

遼代 斡魯朶의 宮主와 그 名稱

林相先(Lim Sang Sun) 동양사학회 2014 東洋史學硏究 Vol.128 No.-

In this paper, I examined about the transition of Allota(also called Gungwi)’s Gungju(lord of Allota), Allota’s numbers, and appellation of Allota during the period of Yo(Liao dynasty). In the reign of Yo dynasty, Allota’s Gungju had been empresses and an official as well as emperors. The cases that Gungju was empress were 2 cases, who were the Empress Eungcheon(the Empress of Taejo the founder) and the Empress Seungcheon(the Empress of Gyeongjong, and also biological mother of Seongjong). The Hwangtaeje(Emperor’s brother with the right of succession) Hyomun who were Seongjong’s younger brother (and also Gyeongjong’s son) was younger brother of Emperor. Ya-lyul-lyung-un from Han Chinese was general official, and the appellation of his Allota was not Gung but Bu(Munchungwangbu). Generally, though, Yo’s Allota were known as 13 Allota(12 Gung and 1 Bu), at least 4 people had had Allota. I can determine that Yayulbae(the posthumous epithet is Emperor Yangguk) who was the first son of Taejo and the King of Dongdanguk, Yayulliho(the posthumous epithet is Emperor Heumsun or Jangsuk) who was the third son of Taejo, Yayulandan(invested to the King of Myeong) who was the youngest brother of Taejo and the King of Dongdanguk, the Empress Heumae who was the Empress of Seongjong and Heumjong’s mother had had their own Allota. Also, according to the result of examining Allota’s appellations, those appellations were used not only by particular person but also by another person before or after that particular person, in some cases.