강 기판위에 이온 플레이팅된 TiCrN 박막의 산화기구

이동복,김기영,Lee, Dong-Bok,Kim, Gi-Young 한국재료학회 2003 한국재료학회지 Vol.13 No.7

Coatings of TiCrN ion-plated on a steel substrate was oxidized at $800^{\circ}C$ in air, and their oxidation mechanism was presented. During oxidation, substrate elements and Ti and Cr in the coating always diffused outwardly to form the oxide scale. Simultaneously, oxygen from the atmosphere diffused inward1y to react with Ti and Cr to form $TiO_2$and $Cr_2$$O_3$, respectively. Also, the counter-diffusion of cations and oxygen resulted in some oxygen dissolution in the unoxidized TiCrN coating, and Fe dissolution in the oxide scale. When the Ti content in the coating was high, the $TiO_2$-forming tendency was strong, while when the Cr content was high, the $Cr_2$$O_3$-forming tendency was strong.

Ni-Aluminide 금속간 화합물의 확산과 고온산화 특성

이동복,정승부 ( Dong Bok Lee,Seung Boo Jung ) 대한금속재료학회 1997 大韓金屬學會會報 Vol.10 No.1

강 기판위에 아크이온 플레이팅된 CrN박막의 산화

이동복,이영찬,Lee, Dong-Bok,Lee, Yeong-Chan 한국재료학회 2001 한국재료학회지 Vol.11 No.4

아크이온 플레이팅 장치를 이용하여 STD61강 기판 위에 이온질화 전처리를 행하거나 하지 않은 후, CrN 박막을 증착하고, 대기중 $700~900^{\circ}C$의 온도에서 40시간동안 이들에 대한 산화거동을 연구하였다. 산화거동은 열중량분석기, X선회절기, EDS, SEM을 이용하여 조사하였다. 증착된 CrN박막은 CrN과 $Cr_2$N의 두 상으로 구성되어 있었다. CrN박막은 보호적 $Cr_2$O$_3$층을 형성하여 기판을 산화로부터 보호하였다. 이온질화처리는 CrN박막의 내산화성에 영향을 주지 않았다. CrN films were deposited onto STD61 steel substrates using an arc-ion plating apparatus, with and without ion-nitriding pretreatment, and their oxidation was studied between 700 and $900^{\circ}C$ for 40hr in air. The oxidation behavior was examined by thermogravimetric analyses, X-ray diffraction. EDS and SEM. The deposited CrN films consisted of CrN and $Cr_2$N phases. The CrN films increased the oxidation resistance of the substrate by forming a protective $Cr_2$$O_3$ layer. The ion-nitriding pretreatment has not affected the oxidation resistance of the CrN film.

자유민주주의의 위기

이동복(李東馥)(LEE Dong Bok) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2013 신아세아 Vol.20 No.3

The Attempted insurgency plot allegedly masterminded by United Progressive Party (UPP) member of the National Assembly Lee Seok Ki and his ragtag group of self-styled left-leaning, pro-North Korean “revolutionary activists” provide us with two sober reminders: First, 65 years after the division of the country, North Korea is still busy engaged in the planting of the seeds of a revolutionary take-over of South Korea as part of its un-ending pursuit of a unification achieved on its own terms. Second, obviously hardly recognized by themselves, the bulk of South Koreans are forget-minded about the reality that the liberal democracy that has led South Korea on its path toward the prosperity and political freedom of today is pregnant with the built-in weakness that can undermine itself internally by means of democracy itself. It is by no means a news that the liberal democracy has such a critical weakness. It was Germans who physically experienced that weakness of a liberal democracy when they saw, in 1932∼1933, Adolf Hitler’s Nazis Party turn the Weimar Republic into the Third Reich first by winning a parliamentary election and then by seizing the legislative power from the Reichstag by ramming through a bill to that effect. It was an attempt by the founders of West Germany, when it came into being in 1949 in the wake of the end of World War II in 1945, to prevent the recurrence of an implosion of democracy when they wrote the concept of die wehrhafte Democratie (the defensive democracy), into their Basic Law, West German version of a constitution. In addition to equipping itself with such constitutional apparatuses as the Supreme Federal Constitutional Court (SFCC) armed with the right to dissolve unconstitutional political parties, the constitutional protection agencies, both federal and local, authorized to monitor, even allowing wire-tappings, activities of suspected unconstitutional activities and authorization of both federal and local governments to dissolve social associations suspected of unconstitutional activities, West Germany’s measures to defend its liberal democracy also included an executive order, entitled Extremistenbeschluss, issued by none other than Chancellor Willy Brandt, champion of the ‘ Ostpolitik’ as the leader of the SPD government, that made it mandatory for any would-be public employee to “publicly pledge in writing his/her loyalty to the liberal democratic values as embodied in the Basic Law.” The executive order was challenged by a broad range of progressively oriented West German public on charges of being unconstitutional, to which West Germany’s SFCC ruled it “constitutional” in May 1975. As a result, two West German radical political parties were dissolved by SFCC ruling, in addition to 371 social organizations dissolved by both federal and local governments on suspicion of unconstitutionality in the absence of court rulings to that effect, while, altogether, 3,5 million West Germans pledged their loyalties to the liberal democratic values in accordance with Willy Brandt’s executive order that still remains in effect in unified Germany, with 2,250 men/women having failed to be appointed as public employees because of their failure to have their loyalty pledges authenticated. While West Germany’s success not only in raising itself to its phenomenal economic recovery dubbed as the “Miracle on the Rhine” that accompanied its growth as a leading democracy in West Europe eventually leading to unification of Germany achieved through West’s absorption of East in 1990 owed a great deal to West Germany’s success in developing a “defensive democracy,” it looks loudly clear that the case of Lee Seok Ki is a testimonial to the fact that, although she boasts of her economic success called the “Miracle on the Han River,” the Republic of Korea has developed a fatal weakness in defending its democracy against threats from within.

화력발전소용 Fe-18%Cr-10%Ni 강의 고온 SO₂ 가스 부식

이동복(Dong-Bok Lee) 한국표면공학회 2007 한국표면공학회지 Vol.40 No.5

The corrosion characteristics of Fe-18Cr-10Ni steels were studied between 600℃ and 1000℃ in Ar+(0.2, 1)%SO₂ gas for up to 300 hr in order to employ Fe-18Cr-10Ni steels in the coal-fired power plants. The corrosion resistance of Fe-18Cr-10Ni steels was good due mainly to the high amount of Cr, which formed Cr₂O₃ from the initial corrosion stage. Fe in the steels corroded to mainly Fe₂O₃ and Fe₃O₄. Ni was not susceptible to corrosion under the current corrosion condition. Relatively thin, single-layered scales formed.

블러가 발생하지 않은 인접한 프레임을 이용한 동영상 디블러링 기법

이동복(Lee, Dong-Bok),정신철(Jeong, Shin-Cheol),최익현(Choi, Ik-Hyun),송병철(Song, Byung-Cheol) 한국방송·미디어공학회 2011 한국방송공학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.2011 No.11

본 논문에서 우리는 동영상에서 인접한 블러되지 않은 참조 프레임을 이용하여 모션 블러를 제거하는 기법을 제안한다. 기존의 디블러링 방법들은 주로 단일 영상을 이용한 방법들로 정확한 커널을 예측하는 것과 원본 영상에 준하는 영상을 복원하는 것에 한계가 존재한다. 하지만 동영상에서 부분적인 프레임에만 블러가 발생한 특수한 경우에는 인접한 위치에 존재하는 블러되지 않은 프레임을 활용하는 것이 가능하다. 제안하는 방법은 블러된 프레임과 인접한 위치에 존재하는 블러되지 않은 프레임 사이에 움직임을 추정하고, 움직임 보상된 영상을 이용하여 커널을 추정한다. 또한 움직임 오차에 따른 잔여 오차 성분에 대해서만 디컨벌루션을 적용하여 물결현상이 억제된 최종적인 결과 영상을 생성한다. 실험 결과는 제안한 방법이 기존의 디블러링 기법에 비해 에지 부분을 잘 복원시키면서 물결현상은 감소된 보다 우수한 디블러링 결과를 가져오는 것을 보여준다.

바이오매스 발전시 염소가스에 의한 고온부식

이동복(Dong Bok Lee) 한국표면공학회 2016 한국표면공학회지 Vol.49 No.1

Biomass is a renewable and sustainable source of energy used to create electricity or pressurized steam. In biomass-fueled power plants, wood waste or other waste is burned to produce steam that runs a turbine to make electricity, or that provides heat to industries and homes. Biomass power plants, apart from producing energy, help to reduce the CO₂ emission. However, the main problem is the high-temperature corrosion due to fuel corrosivity, especially of the straw. This limits both the temperature of the steam and also the effectiveness of the power plant. The corrosion in biomass-fueled plant was described.

6者會談은 北核問題를 解決한 것인가?

이동복(LEE Dong-Bok) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2005 신아세아 Vol.12 No.3

The fourth round of the six-party talks in Beijing on North Korea’s nuclear issue finally closed 19 days of marathon sessions releasing a hard-won “Joint Statement” that contained six items of agreements. The Roh Moo Hyun regime of the Republic of Korea has called it a “triumph of ROK’s diplomacy.” However, when one reads the “Joint Statement” between the lines, it instantly turns out to be the truth of the matter that what it actually amounts to is but a success in keeping the six-party process from falling apart for the moment, far from addressing the real issue of the talks, the question of resolving the North Korean nuclear issue. The North Korean behavior in the six-party talks indicates the possibility that it is merely a recycling of the negotiating tactics, and technology, that were unique to most of the communist states in the Cold War era. It appears questionable whether North Korea is participating in the six-party process really with the purpose of resolving the nuclear crisis. As a military dictatorship built up around a cult of personality that features an anachronistic case of hereditary succession of power, North Korea’s Kim Jong Il regime is characterized, as a means to rationalize, and justify, its notorious dictatorship, by a frenzied brain-washing of its population against the backdrop of a total isolation from without with the alleged threat of imminence of an inevitable “nuclear war” being waged by the U.S. imperialists. That being the case, a diplomatic resolution of the “nuclear issue” is likely to lead to disappearance of the alleged “threat of a nuclear attack” by the U.S., and the resultant rapprochement between North Korea and the U.S., depriving Kim Jong Il’s North Korea of the rationale, and justification, of its military dictatorship. Hence, the likelihood that North Korea is participating the six-party process rather merely with the purpose of “indefinitely delaying” resolution of the “nuclear issue” without being punished, taking advantage of the talks to derail the ROK-U.S. security alliance by laying the onus for the persisting deadlock on the U.S., while, by turning South Korea into the prisoner of its propaganda campaign, featuring a purported “intra-national collaboration” between the two Koreas, utilize the six-party talks to instigate, and fan, anti-American sentiment particularly among South Koreans of younger ages. 제4차 베이징 6자회담이 9월 19일 6개 항목의 ‘공동성명’을 발표하는 것으로 막을 내렸다. 노무현 정권은 “한국 외교의 승리”라고 자화자찬하고 있으나, ‘공동성명’의 내용을 보다 자세히 들여다보면 ‘공동성명’의 합의사항들은 6자회담의 파국을 모면하기 위한 미봉일 뿐이지 북한 핵문제 해결과는 거리가 멀다. “한반도의 검증가능한 비핵화”를 재확인하고 있을 뿐 ‘검증’의 ‘방법’과 ‘대상’에 관해서는 여전히 합의가 없으며, 북한은 여전히 비현실적인 ‘전제조건’들을 고집하고 있다. 회담의 장기화를 노린 전통적인 공산주의 정권의 협상기법을 고수하고 있는 것이다. 북한은 왜 회담의 지연을 추구하는가에 대해 추론하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. 북한의 김정일 정권은 시대도착적인 개인숭배에 바탕을 둔 군사독재 정권이다. 북한은 “미제의 핵전쟁 위협” 이라는 “허구”를 이용하여 김정일 독재정권을 합리화ㆍ정당화시키고 있다. 그러한 북한의 입장에서 만약 외교적 방법으로 “핵문제”가 해결되면 북한 독재정권을 합리화시키고 정당화시킬 수 없게 되는 것이다. 만약 이 같은 상황이 사실이라면 북한의 김정일 정권은 정권의 안보 때문에 결코 “핵”을 “포기”할 수 없다는 “가설”이 성립된다. 이 가설은 역설적으로 북한은 “합의하지 않기 위하여” “문제를 협상을 통해 해결하지 않기 위하여” 그리고 어떻게 해서든지 “핵 카드를 없애지 않기 위하여” 6자회담에 나오고 있을 가능성을 생각하게 한다. 오히려 북한이 노리는 것은 “핵”의 “해결”이 아니라 회담을 이용하여 한미동맹을 파괴하고 또 회담 부진의 원인을 미국 책임으로 돌려서 특히 남한 젊은 세대의 반미정서를 증폭시키는 데 이용하기 위하여 6자회담에 나오고 있다고 볼 수 있는 여지가 있는 것이다.

2019년은 대한민국 ‘건국 100주년’이 아니라 ‘독립 71주년’이 맞다

이동복(李東馥)(Dong-bok Lee) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2018 신아세아 Vol.25 No.3

A political storm is brewing over fixing the birth year of the Republic of Korea. President Moon Jae-in is committed to moving it from 1948 to 1919, while conservative opponents are no less determined to defend 1948. A coalition of rightwing forces spearheaded by the Korea Liberty Party (KLP) is bracing for a showdown during parliamentary deliberations over the Fiscal Year 2019 national budget with the aim of derailing Moon’s efforts. Fixing the republic’s birth year is a challenge. The Republic of Korea marked Aug. 15, 1945 as the “Day of Kwangbok,” but “kwangbok” means “restoration of the lost land and sovereignty,” and Aug. 15, 1945 was merely the day of “liberation” from Japanese colonial occupation. The Korean Peninsula was “liberated” from Japan but it was divided into two halves along the 38th Parallel and subject to military occupation by the United States and the Soviet Union. On Aug. 15, 1948, “restoration of the land and sovereignty” became a reality for Koreans in the southern half of the peninsula, as the Republic of Korea gained independence and was recognized by the UN as the “only lawful government” on the peninsula, established through a free general election mandated and supervised by the world body, even though control and jurisdiction was confined to the southern half of the peninsula. Having gained “independence,” the republic could mark Aug. 15, 1945, as its “Day of the Founding of the Nation (건국절),” making it possible for the people of South Korea also to remember it as the “Day of Kwangbok.” Complete “kwangbok” remained unfulfilled pending reunification of the peninsula. Moon’s attempt to designate April 11, 1919, the day the “Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea” was proclaimed in Shanghai, as the “Day of National Founding” is not justifiable for two reasons. First, the Provisional Government did not satisfy any of the requirements of the Montevideo Convention of 1933, having neither territory, population, sovereignty nor international recognition. Second if the Republic of Korea became fully independent on April 11, 1919, it is impossible to explain “independence struggles” waged until 1945 when the peninsula was liberated from Japan. The Republic of Korea gained independence on Aug. 15, 1945, with the UN playing the role of a mid-wife. Therefore, it is wise to remember Aug. 15, 1945, as the “Independence Day” of the republic, and to celebrate the 71th Anniversary of Independence Day on Aug. 15, 2019. August 15 2019 will also be the 74th Anniversary of “Liberation Day,” and be remembered by the people of South Korea as the 71st Anniversary of the “Day of Kwangbok.”

Ti-34wt%Al-1.5wt%Mn 합금의 고온산화에 미치는 Y₂O₃ 분산입자 첨가효과

이동복(Dong-Bok Lee) 한국표면공학회 2006 한국표면공학회지 Vol.39 No.6

Alloys of TiAl-Mn-(0, 5, 10)wt.% Y₂O₃ were prepared by a powder metallurgical route, and their oxidation behavior was studied at 800, 900 and 1000℃ in 1 atm of air. The scale formed on the alloys consisted of TiO₂ and Al₂O₃ oxides. During oxidation, Mn tended to diffuse outward, whereas oxygen diffused inward. The dispersoids of Y₂O₃, which segregated at the matrix grain boundaries, acted as a diffusion channel for cations and oxygen ions, nucleation sites for oxides, and vacancy annihilation sites. Y₂O₃ increased the scale thickness, but improved the scale adherence.