고려시대 官人層의 火葬

박진훈(Park, Jin-Hoon) 역사학회 2016 역사학보 Vol.0 No.229

Among the 326 epitaphs of bureaucrats investigated, 35 cases were cremated. The first record of cremation appeared at the reign of Munjong, and 50~60% of the bureaucrats’ families were cremated during the reigns of Yejong and Uijong. But the ratio of cremations during the reign of Myeongjong declined by 14% from the reign of Uijong to 36.1%, and the ratio kept dropping consistently during the military regime. No further record of cremation is shown among 110 epitaphs from the reign of Wonjong to the end of the dynasty. Cremation was an expensive funeral method. Therefore, there was an increased number of bureaucrats who could not afford to be cremaetd due to financial reasons. Additionally, the political conflict between the military regime and Buddhist temples is thought to have had reduced the frequency of cremations. Goryeo went into a war with the Mongols from the reign of Gojong. As a result, the country was ravaged and people were massacred. Consequently, cremation became almost impossible due to its costliness. Towards the end of the dynasty, cremation had been mostly replaced by burial as the common funeral method. Nevertheless, there remained a few number of people who were cremated for their devout faith in Buddhism. But when the radical group of new Sadaebu ferociously criticized Buddhism and the tradition of cremation, and established the Joseon dynasty based on Neo-Confucianism, the few remaining traditions of cremation disappeared.

고려전기 국왕 빈전(殯殿)의 설치와 의례

박진훈 ( Park Jin-hoon ) 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.43

The systemized funeral ceremony of the king in the former period of Goryeo Dynasty can be seen from the fact that the king’s funeral parlors were installed at the specific royal palace in a fixed and regular base ly been installed on a specific engravings. If the funeral parlors were installed regularly at the specific royal palace, then it means there existed ceremony rules, which further can lead to the systemization of the king's funeral ceremony. The time when the king’s funeral parlor has started to be installed at a specific building was the era of Deokjong, who was 9th king in the Goryeo Dynasty. Since then, the king’s funeral parlors were fixed to Seondeokjeon, and such a principle was maintained up to 15th king, Sukjong. However, while all the ceremonies were reorganized in compliance with the Confucian style in the king Injong, the king’s funeral ceremony was also undergone a certain change, therefore, the place where the funeral parlor was installed was changed. Then, How was the king’s funeral procedure in Goryeo Dynasty? When the king died, the announcement of death was done on the day of death. With the announcement of death, the official funeral began and the Binjeondogam was installed. And the funeral parlor was installed at Seondeokjeon by Binjeondogam on the day when the king died. Immediately following the installation of the funeral parlor and placing the dead body of the king, the new king’s coronation ceremony was performed. It was also a principle that the coronation ceremony was held on the day of death of the former king. And, the funeral ceremony of the former king was held under the authority of the new king. Like this, that the former king’s death was announced and the funeral parlor was installed first, and then the new king ascended the throne resulted from the acceptance of the funeral ceremony of Tang Dynasty. All the while, that the new king ascended the throne on the day of death was due to observance of ceremonial practice since king Taejo in Goryeo Dynasty. That the new king ascended the throne on the day of death of former king was to stabilize the power of king and the political situation in the kingdom. The newly crowned king went into mourning a few days after coronation, on the third day after the former king died. It was different from the king’s funeral ceremony in Joseon Dynasty that the new king went to mourning after the new king being crowned. In Joseon Dynasty, the new king wore mourning on the sixth day of former king’s death, and then the coronation was held. When the king went into mourning, the officials also went into mourning together. Mourning had been defined as a black Gwan(hat) and white clothes. Mourning period was three years in principle, but it was a general practice to finish the funeral within 27 days instead of 3 years funeral with a testament of the former king before dying. With wearing mourning, the new king went to the funeral parlor and performed the ceremony. At this time, there was a ceremony where a constant sacrifice was offered wailing was performed. It was a principle that all officials participated in the ceremony. Until the burial of the former king was performed, the new king wailed every morning and every evening, while the constant ceremony was performed. On the day when the former king was buried through choosing an auspicious day, the new king went to the funeral parlor to open it for coffin, and wailed. Up to this day, the funeral parlor was maintained, which was for about 12 days for a short case, and about 27 days for a long case.

고려시대 관인층의 빈소 설치장소와 그 변화상

박진훈(Park, Jin-Hoon) 고려사학회 2016 한국사학보 Vol.- No.62

사람이 사망하면 장례 절차가 시작된다. 장례 절차의 첫 번째는 發喪을 하여 친인의 죽음을 알리고, 이어서 빈소를 마련하여 친인의 시신을 안치하는 것이었다. 고려시대 관인 및 그의 가족의 경우, 빈소는 친인이 사망한 당일 설치되는 것이 원칙이었다. 무신정변이 발생하기 이전, 고려의 관인 및 그의 가족들이 사망하면, 사망한 장소와 상관 없이 빈소는 사찰에 마련되었다. 무신집권기에는, 고려전기와 마찬가지로 사찰에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습이 지속되었다. 하지만 세속적 장소인 亡者의 집에 빈소를 마련하는 새로운 경향이 등장하였으며, 이러한 새로운 경향은 급속도로 확대되어 구체적인 빈소 장소가 확인되는 인물 중의 절반 정도가 집에 빈소를 마련하였다. 원 간섭기에는 사찰에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습은 소멸되고, 관인 및 그의 가족들이 사망하였을 때 집에 빈소를 마련하는 원칙이 확립되었다. 이처럼 무신집권기에 사찰 대신 집에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습이 등장하게 된 이유는 다음과 같다. 첫 번째로, 불교식 장례는 비용이 많이 들었으므로 경제적인 면 때문에 집에 빈소를 마련하기 시작하였다는 점을 들 수 있다. 하지만, 관료층이 경제적으로 비교적 여유가 있는 계층이라는 점에서, 이 점만으로는 이러한 변화상을 설명하기에는 부족하다. 두 번째로 유교적 생활양식을 보급하려고 꾸준히 노력한 고려 정부와 유학자들의 노력을 들 수 있다. 세 번째로 무신정변으로 사찰이 커다란 피해를 입었고, 그 이후에도 사찰과 무신정권이 지속적으로 갈등을 하고 있었다는 점이 사찰에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습에 영향을 주었다. 특히 최충헌의 불교탄압과 거란 및 몽골과의 전쟁이 사찰에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습에 결정적인 타격을 미친 것으로 생각된다. When a person dies, a funeral ensues. The first step of a funeral was to notify the death by grieving, and then prepare a funeral parlor to accommodate the body. For an official and his family under the Goryeo dynasty, the parlor was to be installed on the day of the death. Before the Military coup, the parlor was usually prepared in a Buddhist temple for the death of an official or a member of his family, regardless of the place of death. During theperiod of the military regime, the custom to accommodate the dead body in a temple continued as in the initial period of the dynasty. However, there arose a new trend of having the funeral parlor at the family home of the dead as a temporal place. This trend rapidly spread, so almost a half of the people who have been confirmed the specific place of their funeral parlor had their funeral at their private home. During the period of the Yuan dynasty"s intervention, the custom of having the funeral parlor at a temple had disappeared, and the principle of the funeral parlor at home had been established as a norm when an official or a member of his family died. The reasons for the newly rising custom to have the funeral parlor at home instead of a temple are the following: first, it was simply much cheaper to have a funeral at home, instead of the pricey Buddhistic funeral. However, it cannot explain the whole change because the bureaucrats belonged to the relatively affluent class. Second, the consisted efforts by the Goryeo government and the Confucian scholars to spread the Confucian lifestyle may be attributed. Third, the temples were largely damaged by the military coup and the subsequent conflict between the temples and the military regime affected the custom of funerals at temples. Notably, the persecution of Buddhism by Choi Chung-Heon and the war against the Mongols and Khitans are thought to have delivered a decisive blow on the custom of funerals at temples.

콤플렉스(Complex)를 통해서 본 고려의 사회와 인간

朴晉勳(Park, Jin-Hoon) 한국사학회 2011 史學硏究 Vol.- No.102

본 연구는 고려시대 사람들이 지녔던 열등콤플렉스를 文人과 武人의 차별을 중심으로 살펴본 글이다. 성종 이후 유교적 정치이념에 근거하여 지배체제 정비가 시도되어, 文治主義가 강화되었다. 이에 따라 문인들이 정국의 주도권을 장악하는 가운데 이들에 의해 門閥이 성립되었다. 문벌들은 다른 지배집단과는 구별되는 차별의식을 형성하고 이를 인간관계, 사회관계에서 표현하였다. 이러한 행위는 주로 오만과 교만으로 표현되었는데, 이러한 차별대상의 직접적 피해자는 주로 무인들이었다. 무인들은 문인들의 이러한 행동에서 상처받고 피해의식 즉 열등콤플렉스를 가지게 되었다. 학문 능력을 가지지 못한 무인들은 문벌이 주도하는 사회에서 배제되었다. 문인과 무인은 사회적으로 유리되었고, 심리적 장벽이 두텁게 쳐졌다. 더군다나 문인과 무인의 차별적 장벽을 뛰어넘을 수 없게 되자 무인들의 열등콤플렉스는 더욱 심화되었다. 이러한 상황에서 의종대에 들어와 문인들의 무인들에 대한 차별적 행동이 직접적으로 표출되자, 무인들의 좌절감과 분노, 열등콤플렉스는 걷잡을 수 없는 것이 되었다. 결국 무신정변이 발생했을 때 이는 문인들에 대한 극단적이고 잔혹한 가해로 표출되었다. 무신정변 이후 무인들이 문인보다 우위에 서게 되었다. 하지만 武보다 文을 가치 있는 것으로 여기는 풍토는 변하지 않았다. 학문을 하는 문인들은 학문을 통해 올바른 도리를 알고 이를 실천하는 사람들인 반면 그렇지 못한 무인들은 올바름을 알지 못하며 자기 절제를 하지 못하는 존재라는 인식이 계속되었다. 따라서 무인들이 문인들에 대해 가지는 열등콤플렉스는 극복되지 못했다. 하지만 한편에서 문인들의 자기반성이 이루어지면서 무인에 대한 문인들의 비하의식이 완화되었고, 무신정권을 거치면서 무인들의 힘과 존재를 인정하고 긍정하게 되었다. 또한 儒學의 발전과 성리학의 도입으로 새로운 도덕규범률과 선비상이 제시되었다. 학문을 하여 올바름을 알고, 忠과 孝를 실천하는 사람을 선비로 규정하였다. 따라서 무인이라고 하더라도 학문을 하고 忠?孝를 실천한다면 선비로서 인정받을 수 있게 되었다. 무인이라고 하더라도 본인의 노력에 따라 선비가 될 수 있다는 것으로, 이는 무인에 대한 차별의식을 완화시키고 무인들의 열등콤플렉스를 극복하게 하는 단초를 제공하였다. This study surveys the discrimination of literary officers and military officers in the light of inferiority complex that Goryeo people used to have. Since King Seongjong, the ruling system was arranged on the basis of Confucius Political Ideology, enforcing the civil administration system. Thus, the literary officers led the political situation, establishing the powerful literary families. Each literary family formed a particular consciousness different from other ruling groups and displayed it in the human and social relations. It was mainly expressed with pride and arrogance, and the direct victim of such discrimination was mainly soldiers. Hurt by rudeness of literary officers, soldiers came to have victim mentality or inferiority complex. Without the literary ability, soldiers used to be excluded from the literary-ruling society. Literary and military officers got socially separated more and more and the psychological barrier became higher and higher. When the discrimination between literary and military officers became incurable, the inferiority complex of soldiers went to extremes. In this situation, when the literary officers showed contemptible behaviors to soldiers directly in Eujongdae, their inferiority complex along with frustration and rage could not be controlled. Finally, it caused a political upheaval by soldiers, who inflicted severe and harsh revenge to literary officers. After the political upheaval, the soldiers came to have a superior position to literary officers. But, never changed the climate that the literacy was valued higher than militarism. People continued to think that, while literary persons knew the right way through the literal exercise and tried to practice it, the soldiers ignored the way and thus could not do self-restraint. Therefore, the inferiority complex of soldiers toward literary officers could not be overcome. Meanwhile, in this process, literary officers came to have self-reflection and reduced their contemptible attitude toward soldiers. During the ruling by soldiers, they came to know the power and existence of soldiers and recognize it. And, thanks to the development of Confucianism and the introduction of Chu Hhi"s idea, new moral rule and scholarly model were suggested. The tue scholar was thought to be the person who knew the rightness through the study and practiced the loyalty and filial piety. So, if even a soldier studied the way and practiced the loyalty and filial piety, he could be reckoned as a scholar. As the soldiers could become scholars through their endeavor, it provided the basis to relieve the discrimination against soldiers and to overcome the inferiority complex of soldiers.

고려시대 관인층(官人層)의 임종 장소와 그 변화상에 대한 고찰

박진훈 ( Jin Hoon Park ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2015 동방학지 Vol.172 No.-

고려시대 묘지명을 분석한 결과, 고려시대 관인층이 사망한 장소는 크게 집과 사찰 두 곳으로 압축된다. 전체 329건의 묘지명 중에서 사망장소가 기재되어 있는 경우는 143건이며, 이 중집에서 사망한 경우는 122명, 사찰에서 사망한 경우는 21명이다. 이를 시대별로 분석하여 보면, 무신정변이 일어나는 의종대까지 고려의 관인층은 전체 111건 중에서 집이나 사찰에서 사망한 사람이 55건이며, 이 중 집에서 36명, 사찰에서 19명이 사망하였다. 집에서 사망한 사람이 누락되었을 가능성이 크므로, 대략 5~4명에 1명꼴로 사찰에서 사망한 것으로 보는 것이 타당하다. 반면 무신정권기에는 사망 장소가 확인되는 47건 중 2명만이 사찰에서 사망하였다. 충렬왕대 이후에는 사망 장소가 확인되는 41명 모두집에서 사망하였다. 고려 관인층은 의종 12~13년에서 명종 15년사이에 더 이상 사찰에서 죽음을 맞이하지 않게 되었으며, 세속적 장소인 집에서 임종을 맞는 관습이 정착되었다고 할 수 있다. 이러한 변화가 발생한 이유는 다음과 같다. 무신정변의 발생으로 개경의 많은 사찰들이 커다란 피해를 입었다. 정변 이후에도 사찰 및 승려들은 계속해서 무신정권과 갈등을 빚었으며, 정변 발생 이후 치안이 불안정해짐에 따라 개경근처의 사찰들은 도적들의 습격을 받았다. 이에 따라 사찰은 요양을 하거나 안온한 죽음을 맞기에는 더 이상 적절한 장소가 아니었다. 따라서 사찰에서 임종하는 고려 관인층이 무신정변을 기점으로 급감하게 되었으며, 사찰에서 임종하는 것을 회피하는 풍조가 무신정권 내내 상당 기간 지속되면서 보편화한 것으로 보인다. 이어 유교적인 관념이 강화되고 유교적 상장례에 대한 의식이 성장하면서, 사찰에서 임종을 맞아서는 안 된다는 생각이 합리화되고 강화된것으로 보인다. 이에 따라 고려후기에는 독실한 불교신자라고 하더라도 사찰이 아닌 세속적 장소에서 임종을 맞이하는 것이 일반화되었다. 이러한 변화는 삶과 죽음에 대한 고려 관인층의 생각에 장기적으로 영향을 미쳤을 것이다. As a result of the analysis of tomb inscriptions from the Goryeo Dynasty, the death places of Goryeo bureaucrats`` families can be largely classified into two: their houses, and temples. Breaking it down by era, there were 111 members of Goryeo bureaucrat families buried before the Musin Jeongbeon (a coup d``etat by soldiers), of which 55 had their death places specified: 36 had died at their house, and 19 at the temple. On the other hand, among the 47 people who had died under the soldiers`` reign and whose death places could be identified, only 2 bureaucrat family members had met their death at the temple. After King Chungyeol, all 41 bureaucrat family members with specified death places had died in their own home. The reason for this change was as follows: when the Musin Jeongbeon coup broke out, many temples in Gaegyeong - the capital of Goryeo - suffered huge damages. Even after the Jeongbeon, temples and monks maintained serious conflicts with the governing soldiers. Therefore, temples were no longer an appropriate place to seek health treatment or peaceful death. For this reason, the number of Goryeo bureaucrat family members who chose to die at the temple drastically decreased after the Musin Jeongbeon, and the tendency to avoid dying at the temple remained prevalent among bureaucrats`` families long after the Jeongbeon. Furthermore, as Confucian ideologies were emphasized and their funeral rituals grew, the idea that death should not be met at the temple seems to have been rationalized and strengthened. Therefore, although bureaucrat family members were devoted Buddhists, it became generally accepted among them that death should be met in a secular place rather than at the temple. This change seems to have had an influence on Goryeo bureaucrat families`` perspective on life and death in the long run.

여말선초 江陵 지역에서의 통혼실태 : 江陵崔氏를 중심으로

朴晉勳(Park Jin-Hoon) 고려사학회 2011 한국사학보 Vol.- No.43

This paper researches the inter-marital situation in Gangneung area during 16C from late Goryeo till early Joseon through the actual cases of Gangneung Choi family. The Gangneung Choi family has three branches of Choi Mun-Han(崔文漢). Choi Heun-Bong(崔欣奉) and Choi Pil Dal(崔必達). who had the inter-marital relation with indigenous families in Gangneung as high as 48~54%. 41 % and 44% of total inter-marriages respectively, In similar rates of around half, three families had the inter-marital relation with indigenous families in Cangneung. More concretely, they had it with other branches of Gangneung Choi family, Gangneung Kim family(江陵金氏), Gangneung Park family(江陵朴氏) and Gangneung Ham family(江陵咸氏) in order. That is, three Choi branches had the dose inter-marital relation with each other and Gangneung Kim family and Gangneung Park family in Gangneung region. It must be because they shared the political, social and economical interests in the region. When the inter-marital ratio was checked in Gangneung jurisdiction or vicinity region. Choi Mun-Han had 57~64% of the total inter-marital relations with indigenous families in Gangneung vicinity region. while Choi Heun-Bong and Choi Pil-Dal had 51 % respectively. Especially, they had many inter-marriages with Samcheok Kim family(三陟金氏) and Samcheok Sim family(三陟沈氏). In the generational change, they showed the fluctuation of 37%~58%, 31%~50% and 31~52% respectively. With about 10% fluctuations from the averages, all the three branches had 3~5 of 10 inter-marriages with indigenous families in Gangneung area. They showed little increasing or decreasing in the marital tendency over generations. It must be because Gangneung has an isolated topographic condition with Taebaek(太白) Mt. Ridge and suffered few social changes due to it. And it turned out that Gangneung Choi family had little bond with other typical Cangwon areas(江原道) like Wonju(原州) and Chuncheon(春川) through the inter-marriage. In the actual marriage situation. Gangneung Choi family had duplicative and repetitive inter-marital relation with other indigenous families in Cangneung generation over generation. When a girl of the Choi family got married to a boy of other family, their kids married again with Gangneung Choi family members. In these inter-marriages, there were sorre cases of consanguineous marriage and ignorance or reversal of generation and kindred degree. Therefore, even if Gangneung Choi family had 51~60% of total inter-marriage with indigenous families in Gangneung area, actual ratio seemed much higher because the inter-marital relation was linked again with Gangneung Choi family through other family names. This type of inter-marriage must have an important role for Gangneung Choi family to maintain the social previledge in Gangneung.

수중 센서 네트워크를 위한 딥러닝 기반 링크 적응 방안

박진훈(Jin Hoon Park),조용호(Yong-Ho Cho),임태호(Tae-Ho Im),고학림(Hak-Lim Ko),조오현(Ohyun Jo) 한국통신학회 2019 한국통신학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2019 No.6

고려시대 리더십의 요소에 대한 연구

박진훈 ( Park¸ Jin-hoon ) 한국중세사학회 2021 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.66

As a result of analysis on the elements of leadership in the Goryeo Dynasty, it was found that several elements acted in a complex way to form the leadership. The conclusions of this study are as follows: In general, the status or position have been reckoned to bring the leadership through its authority. However, the authority and power from the status or position did not function properly in a critical situations. The force that operates differently depending on time, place, and situation cannot be called as leadership. The competence was a key element of the leadership. Military ability played a major role in attracting the respect and obedience from the soldiers under the military leader. The academic and administrative abilities were also the objects of respect. The official with this ability was more likely to acquire the leadership. However, the ability alone was not sufficient in implementing the leadership. The ability had to be the one to meet the needs of the group. In order to bring out the leadership, the ability had to be used effectively and appropriately for public purposes rather than private interests according to the principles. The courage was sometimes required for the use of the abilities in accordance with principles. Therefore, only those with courage could exercise the leadership. Principles brought the leadership only when applied for the group or a common purpose of the group members. Even if the leader adhered to the principles, the leadership used to collapse if it conflicted with the goals or expectations of group members. The leader had to equip the virtue of tolerance toward the group members while respecting the principles. The virtue of generosity was not to ignore the hope or expectations of the members and subordinates for life. This can be called the leadership by virtue. Unlike other leadership elements, the leadership by virtue was formed in the mutual relationship between the leader and members. Therefore, the leadership by virtue could bringt about the voluntary obedience of members, thereby strengthening the authority and leadership of the leader and promoting the group cohesion. It also played the most important and effective role in achieving the group’s goals, ensuring the survival and development of group members.

[고려] 지평의 확대와 깊이의 심화, 그러나 치우침

박진훈(Park, Jin-hoon) 역사학회 2011 역사학보 Vol.0 No.211

The study on Goryeo dynasty for two years in 2009 and 2010 includes data such as research report or annotation 10 in 2009 and 14 in 2010, literature 12 in 2009 and 12 in 2010, as well as research paper 144 in 2009 and 151 in 2010. This is a large increase in quantity compared to one report, 6 literatures, and 91 research papers in 2008. The trend in subject shows that history of politics, history of foreign relations, regional institution, history of city, study on transportation road, and history of Buddhism were activated, while studying abroad, history of laws, caste system, land system and history of life were relatively inactive. The study on Goryeo dynasty for two years in 2009 and 2010 reexamined the existing study or analyzed from various angles based on new methods, reinterpretation of historical materials, and the results from other areas(particularly history of China), while subjects which have not gained much attentions until now were started to be studied in a new fashion. There were also a trend, however, that researches are focused to certain period such as King Hyeon Jong’s reign or King Gong Min’s reign or certain subjects, for example, history of foreign relation with Mongol Empire or with Japan. In order to understand Goryeo dynasty systematically and comprehensively in a broader sense, studies should be conducted evenly on the entire period of Goryeo dynasty and on various areas, particularly, history of laws, caste system, land system and history of life are areas where the study should be more activated. And Interdisciplinary schorary co-work is desirable in the field of Goryeo dynasty history.

고려시대 관인층의 장례기간 분석 -묘지명 자료를 중심으로-

박진훈 ( Jin-hoon Park ) 역사교육학회 2016 역사교육논집 Vol.59 No.-

There are 240 cases in total in which we can understand the duration of the funerals of bureaucrats and their family in the Goryeo Dynasty through their cemetery names. In all the four cases up to the Jeongjong time, the funerals were conducted within one month after death. But, all of them have one point in common that they were reburied since then. The duration of the funerals from the Munjong time when the cremation was generalized was one to three months and three to six months, and this tendency continued even up to the Sukjong time. In the Yejong time, all the seven funerals had the duration of the funeral longer than three months with even distribution in the duration. In the Injong time, the funerals showed the diversified period shorter than one month to longer than two years, and this tendency continued up to even the Uijong period. However, in the Uijong period, almost one person out of every four persons held the funeral within one month, while 30.4% did longer than one year. Therefore, it can be said that the duration of the funerals in the Uijong time showed a variety of distribution by duration, but the polarization of the duration was widen. As the culture of lineage developed during this period, the formal funerals became complicated, which resulted in the increase of the duration of the funerals, while the bureaucrats’ families who conducted the funeral within short terms were increased because of economic difficulty. In the case that the duration of the funerals is shorter than one month, the cremation rate is only 16.7%, and the longer the duration, the cremation rate increases and all the funerals longer than 6-9 months were cremated without exception. For the funerals longer than nine months, the cremation rate was reduced again. During the period of Military Rule in the Goryeo Dynasty, the rate of funerals with the short-term less than three months increased sharply, and in turn, that with the long-term decreased sharply. In particular, the rate of the funerals with the duration longer than one year was only 6.3%, which declined by nearly 23% compared to the former period of the Goryeo Dynasty. Even in the case of short-term funeral, the funeral shorter than one month occupied more than a majority. This phenomenon appeared from the Myeongjong time and continued throughout the period of Military Rule. Also, it was indicated that all funerals longer than six months were cremated. In the later period of the Goryeo Dynasty, the rate of the funerals with the duration less than three months increased to 90.6% from 77.8%, the rate in the period of Military Rule. Meanwhile, the funerals less than the duration of one month decreased by about 15% compared to the period of Military Rule, while the funerals with the duration of one to three months increased by 27% or more. From this tendency, it can be understood that while the trend of conducting short-term funerals continued, the bureaucrats’ families conducting the funerals with the duration of approximately one to three months increased rather than very short funerals, as the society regained its stability after the war with Mongolia. Coming into the later period of the Goryeo Dynasty, the expansion of the Yeomyo system (廬墓制) and the proliferation of social atmosphere that the chief mourner should have done the yeomyo(廬墓) by himself dampened the Buddhist funeral system. Also, even if not the Buddhist funeral, these factors applied the pressure to the long duration of funerals and make them shortened. Shortening of the duration of the funerals affected on the cremation to almost disappear. It also affected on the funeral ceremony. While the duration of the funeral became shorter, the ceremony was omitted or reduced. The funeral ceremony and the tools became more frugal than before. In some cases, it appeared that the name of cemetery, which had been prepared before the burial, were prepared after burying a body.