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임돈희(Yim Dawn-hee),로저 L. 자넬리(Roger L. Janelli) 비교민속학회 2005 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.28
The Cultural Heritage Protection Act passed by the Republic of Korea's government in 1962 constituted the legal basis of its cultural protection program. Another feature of the Republic of Korea's intangible cultural heritage system is that rather than regard the designation of heritage items as its only goal, it also provides a system for continuing the transmission of the item This transmission system is highly refined and structured. Those who are designated as Living Human Treasures transmit to trainees the techniques of their art. So that these younger persons can receive that special training at no charge, the Republic of Korea government gives the Living Human Treasurers an additional one-hundred thousand won (about 850 U.S. dollars) a month, free medical treatment, and other special privileges. These public privileges help to elevate the prestige of the Living Human Treasures. In Korea's past, artists were looked upon with contempt rather than esteem However, the cultural heritage system now gives these performers not only economic compensation but also greater prestige and individual self-respect. Although this program has been highly effective for attaining its goal of heritage protection, the system has room for improvement. Here are three specific suggestions for enhancing the present system: 1) Compared with tangible heritage, intangible heritage receives far less financial support. Only 10% of the annual budget of the Office of Cultural Heritage is spent on intangible heritage. Greater financial support could be allocated to its preservation and perpetuation. 2) The education for transmission could be enriched by adding more diversified means than the current Treasure-Trainee system Formal class instruction, education via the Internet, education by radio and television broadcasts are some of the means by which such diversity could be attained. 3) Rather than given the same amount of financial support to each designated performer, it would be better to consider the financial needs of each type of art and customize the level of support provided.
임돈희(Yim Dawn-hee),로저 L. 자넬리(Roger L. Janelli) 비교민속학회 2002 비교민속학 Vol.22 No.-
Modernization theory per se has fallen out of favor, in large measure because neither industrialization nor its concomitant social changes were found to have followed the same trajectory in all societies. Yet, some of these theories’ fundamental premises about the uniformity of social transformations persist. The purpose of this essay is to show that recent changes in the South Korean family that accompanied industrialization were no mere automatic response to the industrialization process. Comprehending these changes requires a consideration of shifting cultural understandings about family and kinship, the government’s choice of industrialization policies, and the ways in which easier communication and transportation have fostered a rethinking about possibilities for maintaining ties among separated kin. Modernization theorists hypothesized that families would become smaller as a result of industrialization. Careful scrutiny of South Korean families, however, do not substantiate the claim that a smaller family size has been the result of succumbing to the functional demands of an industrialized way of life. First of all, a majority of Korean households appear to have been composed of nuclear families even before industrialization. Second, the high rates of rural emigration by the younger segment of the population, which separated adult offspring from their siblings and parents, was encouraged by the government’s choice of an urban- and industrial-zone-centered export-oriented capitalist industrialization strategy. Third, higher standards of education, the rising cost of raising children, and various governmental birth-control campaigns have shifted cultural understandings about the ideal number of children that parents can raise adequately. Fourth, the development of easier communication and transportation between persons living in separate residences has made possible the maintenance of a quasi-family relationship over distances. Indeed. recent research has shown that which persons belongs to one’s own “family” is often a contested issue in contemporary South Korea. And finally, stronger ties between married women and their natal parents have encouraged an extension of family relationships with matrilateral relatives, despite a continued if weakening reluctance of elderly parents to live with their married female rather than male offspring. In sum, new Korean family forms appear not to be the result of an automatic functional adaptation to the demands of industrial life, as modernization theorists hypothesized, but have resulted in no small measure from governmental and individual choices made in light of shifting cultural understandings about the nature of the family and obligations of intergenerational reciprocity in new settings.