인문학의 `위기`와 역사학의 좌표

김성보 ( Kim Seong Bo ) 연세사학연구회( 구 연세대학교 사학연구회 ) 2017 學林 Vol.39 No.-

이 글은 `사회인문학`의 관점에서 한국 인문학의 위기의 본질을 해명하고, 그 극복을 위해 역사학은 어떤 기여를 해야 하는지를 제시해보는 하나의 시론이다. 1987년의 제도적 민주화 이후, 한국의 인문학은 한편으로는 냉전과 독재 속에서 극단적으로 억제되었던 인문학의 비판정신을 회복하되, 1980년대의 편향되고 도식화된 사회과학 일변도의 비판적 자세까지도 비판하면서 인문적 관점에서의 비판정신을 창출할 시점에서 있다. 그런 점에서 현 시점은 인문학의 위기이면서 동시에 기회이지만, 그 기회를 살리기보다는 오히려 외적 환경에 영향을 받으며 그 위기가 더욱 심화되고 있다. 오늘날 인문학계는 경쟁력 향상이라는 명분 아래 산업화, 시장화가 촉진되고 있다. 이는 학문의 표준을 장악한 미국 중심의 국제적 학문권력 속에 종속되는 학문의 식민화로 귀결되고 있다. 그 속에서 한국의 역사학은 미래를 위해 과거를 성찰할 여유도 없이, 현실의 정치적 파당성 경쟁에 휘말리며 기억의 정치도구화에서 벗어나지 못하고 있다. 한국의 인문학계는 안으로는 인문정신의 회복을 통해 사회에 대한 비판적 성찰의 역할을 회복하고, 밖으로는 동시적으로 위기에 처한 다른 동아시아 국가·지역들의 인문학계와 연대하여 학문 활동의 새로운 탈시장적, 탈중심적 규범을 만들어내어야 할 것이다. 한국의 역사학에는 현재를 정당화하는 도구로서가 아니라, 권력에 의해 억압되고 왜곡된 과거에 대한 기억을 권력으로부터 해방하는 기억의 민주화와 그를 통한 사회의 민주화를 지향하는 `기억의 정치`가 요청된다. 그리고 동아시아의 역사대화는 미국을 중심으로 하는 서구 학문담론의 한계를 뛰어넘어 보다 보편적인 학문 담론을 창출함으로써 학문의 식민화를 극복할 수 있는 하나의 계기가 될 수 있다. This essay aims to explain the nature of the crisis of the humanities in Korea in the perspective of `Social Humanities` and to suggest what kind of contributions that history should make to overcome. Since the 1987`s institutional democratization, Korean humanities, on one aspect, is about to restore the humanities` spirit of critical thinking that was radically suppressed during the Cold War and dictatorship, and on the other, it is on the point of creating critical spirit in the humanities perspective while criticizing the 1980`s biased and schematized pro-social science and its critical position. In that aspect now is the time of humanities` crisis as well as the opportunity, though while we are not taking onthe chance, the crisis is only worsening from external environmental influences. Today`s fields of the humanities is accelerating with its industrialization and marketization under the obligation to enhance competitive power. Such is concluded as colonization of study that is subordinated to America-centered international learning power that dominated the standards of study. Among all this, Korean history, without having time to examine the past for the future, is tangled in the present`s political parties` strife and got stuck as the instrumentation of the politics of recollection. The humanities of Korea have to restore its role of critically introspecting the society by recovering the humanistic spirit internally, and simultaneously on the outside, create a new, de-marketized and decentralized standard in the study activity by banding together with humanities field of other East Asian countries and regions that are in crisis. Korean history is requested, not as an instrument that justifies the present, but to realize the democratization of recollection that liberates the memory about the past that is suppressed and distorted by the authority, and the `memory politics` that aims for the society`s democratization through the process. Also East Asian history discourse can transcend from the limits of Western discourse that centers around America by creating an even more universal academic discourse and thus make an opportunity to overcome the colonization of study.

전쟁과 농업협동화로 인한 북한 농민생활의 변화

김성보 ( Seong Bo Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2008 동방학지 Vol.143 No.-

홍이섭의 한국근현대사 인식

김성보(Seong Bo Kim) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2005 동방학지 Vol.130 No.-

지방사례를 통해 본 해방 후 북한사회의 갈등과 변동:

김성보(Kim Seong Bo) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2004 동방학지 Vol.125 No.-

1900~50년대 鎭川郡 梨月面의 토지소유와 사회 변화

김성보(Kim Seong-Bo) 한국사연구회 2005 한국사연구 Vol.130 No.-

In order to better understand the changes which have taken place in rural communities in Korea during the modern era, a case study of Iw?l-my?n, a district of Chinch?n-kun (county) in Chungbuk province, was conducted. This particular study focused on how landmark changes, such as the downfall of the Taehan Empire and the subsequent advent of Japanese colonial rule; liberation in 1945 and the ensuing conflicts between the left and right; and the establishment of the First Republic influenced local communities at the my?n (district)-level, where the majority of Koreans lived. Iw?l-my?n became a new administrative district following the amalgamation of Ikog-my?n and Wolch'on-my?n in 1914. The village of Nonsil in Ikog-my?n had long been home to the local power group, the Pyongsan Sin clan. Members of the Sin clan possessed a tremendous amount of land in this area. Moreover, the fact that many of the members of this clan had successfully made their way into the central government as military officials allowed the family to maintain a close relationship with the central power. However, the collapse of the Taehan Empire and subsequent onset of the Japanese colonial era saw the fortunes of the Sin clan begin to wane. With the power of this local yangban clan weakened, a new local power began to assert itself within Iw?l-my?n during the colonial era. The Bang clan, which had moved in from another area, became large-scale landlords by purchasing a significant amount of the land in the areas in and around Iw?l-my?n. Moreover, their seemingly constant hold on the position of my?njang (county magistrate) allowed the Bang clan to exercise significant political and economic influence in the area. After liberation in 1945, Iw?l-my?n suddenly found itself becoming home to an intense conflict between the left and right; a situation which led to a bloody clash in 1947. Members of the socialist faction, who came out on the losing end of this confrontation, found themselves ostracized from the local community. From that point on, Iw?l-my?n was led by conservative elements, with the central focus placed on the local branch office of the National Society for the Rapid Realization of Korean Independence (NSRRKI). Many members of the Sin and Bang clans played an important role in the formation of this conservative right-wing faction. The land reform undertaken in 1950 greatly changed class relations in Iw?l-my?n. The landlord class having been greatly damaged by this land reform, large-scale landlords all but disappeared from the Iwol-myon area. However, this land reform did not result in turning farmers into the local power in Iw?l-my?n, as the creation of a new order in rural societies, in which a conservative atmosphere had already taken root, proved to be a difficult task. However, there were also no yangban families or large-scale landlords to act as the local power as had been the case in the past. Thus, Iwol-myon in the 1950s was characterized by a situation in which although the existing order and power groups had been weakened, no new order or power groups had emerged to replace them. This situation proved to be fertile ground for the central government to establish its own power base in the Iw?l-my?n area.

남북국가 수립기 인민과 국민 개념의 분화

김성보(Kim Seong-Bo) 한국사연구회 2009 한국사연구 Vol.144 No.-

The division of the Korean Peninsula resulted in not only the political, economic and social divisions, but also the language and concepts divisions. Each nation tends to avoid certain words, just because they are used in the other nation. The representative example is the term ‘Inmin(人民)’. It is just a daily word meaning ‘people'. Soon after the Korean Restoration of Independence from Japan, however, the left and North Korea called the subject of the establishment of the nation as ‘Inmin’. That's why the right and South Korea put the word under taboo and only have used the term ‘Gukmin(國民)', which means nation, since then. This article examines why the same term, which indicates the origin of sovereignty and the members of a nation, came to be divided into Gukmin and Inmin after the Liberation of Korea. There were various words which meant the group of residents in Korea or the people from Korea at the time of the Liberation, such as Inmin, Gukmin, Baekseong, Minjok, Gyeore, Dongpo, Minjung, Daejung, etc. Among such words, however, Inmin became to be considered as the term of the left, when ‘The Committee for the Preparation of Korean Independence' declared the establishment of ‘The Korean People's Republic' in the September in 1945. The right, instead of the word, called the subject of the establishment of the nation as Gukmin. The left sticked to the word, because they would establish their country on the basis of Peoples' Committees, which had been organized in many places on people's own initiative after the Liberation. On the other hand, the right tried to secure their authorities by advocating ‘Provisional Government of Korea', and preferred the term Gukmin by which they could place emphasis on the superiority of the country to individuals. Finally, the Constitution of South Korea refers to the origin of sovereignty and the members of a nation as Gukmin. In contrast, the Constitution of North Korea refers to the origin of sovereignty as Inmin. There is another term ‘Gongmin(公民)', which means citizen, in the North Korea's Constitution. The term Inmin implies general people prior to the establishment of countries, so they need other term than Inmin to indicate individuals who should be ruled by the national laws. That's why the term Gongmin is used, which is equal to ‘rpaжДah' of Russian. The first Constitution of North Korea explicitly provided for the term Gongmin not to discriminate people according to their races. It even had the provision that members of minor race who have Gongmin right have the freedom to use their mother tongue and the right to develop their traditional culture. This provision aimed to consider the Chinese people in North Korea for friendly relationship with China.

버드나무류 (Salix spp.)의 계절학적 특성과 주요 기상요인 상관분석

김성보 ( Seong Bo Kim ),김지윤 ( Ji Yoon Kim ),임란영 ( Ran Young Im ),도윤호 ( Yuno Do ),박희순 ( Hee Sun Park ),주기재 ( Gea Jae Joo ),김구연 ( Gu Yeon Kim ) 한국환경과학회 2013 한국환경과학회지 Vol.22 No.12

The objective of this study was to analyze correlation between phenological characteristics of Salix spp. and meteorological factors in the Upo wetlands. Phenology of Salix subfragilis Andersson and Salix chaenomeloides Kimura was monitored from 2007 to 2012. Meteorological variables were monitored by Korea Meteorological Administration (Hap-chon). Average date of flowering, fruiting, seed dispersion was 86, 113, 136 days for S. subfragilis and 112, 140, 164 days for S. chaenomeloides as Julian days. Flowering of S. subfragilis and S. chaenomeloides were correlated with daily mean air temp. in March (r=-0.92, r=-0.85, p<0.05). Fruiting of S. subfragilis was correlated with total precipitation between Jan and March of previous year (r=-0.90, p<0.01), however, the fruiting of S. chaenomeloides was highly correlated with max. temp. in Jan of previous year (r=0.99, p<0.01). Seed dispersion of both species is correlated with min. temp. in Feb. Phenology monitoring will contribute to understanding Salix spp. response against climate change.

21세기에 돌아보는 1945년 한반도의 지정학

김성보(Kim, Seong Bo) 역사비평사 2018 역사비평 Vol.- No.124

This study examines the US and Soviet policies of the Korean Peninsula from a geopolitical point of view, and shows how Korean politicians and intellectuals recognized and responded to such changes. At the end of the Asia-Pacific War, the Soviet Union recalled the failure of the Russo-Japanese War and sought the legitimacy of the intervention on the Korean Peninsula. The United States drafted the trusteeship of the Korean Peninsula considering the geopolitical position of the Korean Peninsula where the interests of the Soviet Union and other great powers are in conict. At the time of liberation, Koreans were required to have insights into the new international order based on the geopolitical sense, and ideological convergence abilities to overcome conicts of capitalism and socialism. However, the middle, right and left groups don’t have senses of balance and realistic alternatives to establish a unied government. The result was the xation of the division.

< 특집 > : 연희 100년 ; 연희전문학교 졸업생들의 사회 진출 기초 연구 -기독교계 사립 전문학교로서의 특징과 관련하여-

김성보 ( Seong Bo Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2016 동방학지 Vol.173 No.-

이 논문은 연희전문학교 졸업생들의 일제하·해방 후 진로를 조사한 기초 연구로서, 기독교계 사립 전문학교가 근현대 한국의 고등인력양성과정에서 어떤 위치와 성격을 지니고 있었는지를 파악함을 목표로 한다. 연희전문학교 졸업생들의 두드러진 특징의 하나는 졸업 이후 유학의 길을 선택한 경우가 많다는 점이다. 특이 이들은 미국 유학을 선호했다. 이들의 미국 유학은 일본 제국주의가 강요하는 식민지적 근대성에 맞서서 서구적 근대성을 직접 수용하게 함을 가능하게 하였다. 다만 연희전문학교 출신들의 일본 유학도 식민지 기간에 점차 증가했다. 일본의 식민지 지배라는 현실 속에서 일본과 미국의 관계가 나빠질수록 미국 유학은 축소하고 일본 유학이 늘었다. 졸업생들은 일제 강점기에는 금융업·상업등 경제 분야에 진출하는 경향성이 크게 높았으며 그 다음으로 기독교계 사립학교의 교사가 되는 등 교원 진출의 비중이 컸다. 관리로의 진출비중이 매우 적은 점이 경성제국대학이나 보성전문학교 졸업생들의 진로와 다른 점이다. 해방을 맞아 고등교육 수혜자들에 대한 수요가 폭증하면서 졸업생들의 취업 기회는 크게 확대되었다. 문과와 수물과(이과) 졸업생들 중 과반수는 대학과 중고등학교의 교수·교사로 진출했다. 상과 출신들의 절반은 경제분야로 진출하여 한국 경제의 토대 형성과정에서 한 축을 담당했다. 새로운 국가를 건설하는 과정에서 연희전문 졸업생들의 정치·행정 분야로의 진출도 일제하에 비해 2배 증가했다. 해방과 분단의 혼란기에 연희전문 출신들의 활동에서 두드러진 특징으로는 첫째, 미군정기와 정부 수립 초기에 연희대학교를 비롯해서 서울대학교 등 여러 대학과 다양한 분과에 교수진으로 부임하여 대학 교육의 기틀을 형성하는 데기여했다. 둘째, 미국 유학 등으로 미국과 깊은 연결고리를 가진 인물들이 미군정 정책에 적극 협력하면서 분단정부 수립과정에 깊이 관여했다. 셋째, 해방 후 좌우대립 속에서 어느 한 극단에 치우치기보다는 중도적인 자세에서 통일국가의 수립을 위해 노력을 경우도 확인할 수 있다. This study delves into what types of talents were educated and trained by private Christian colleges during the Japanese annexation, with a particular focus on the Chosen Christian College. One noticeable characteristic of Chosen Christian College graduates was that they chose to study abroad in foreign countries (mostly in the US). During the colonial period, graduates favored economics-related subjects, including finance and commerce. The next popular preference was teaching, particularly to become a teacher in a private Christian school. After the liberation, the majority of literature and science graduates became teachers and professors in colleges, high schools, and middle schools. Half of those who had studied business and management worked in their relevant fields, becoming some of the builders of the Korean economy. The notable characteristics of the graduates’ activities in the disorderly period of the liberation and division of Korea included the following: 1. Many took offices as professors and contributed to forming the foundation of the university education system, 2. Those who had connections with the US actively cooperated with the US military administration and participated in the formation of divided governments in Korea, but 3. After the liberation, many made efforts to reunify the Koreas by taking a neutral stance rather than leaning toward one extreme side.

탈중심의 세계사 인식과 한국근현대사 성찰

김성보(Kim Seong Bo) 역사비평사 2007 역사비평 Vol.- No.80