1920년대 통영지역 청년운동과 ‘김기정 징토운동’

김상환(Kim, Sang-Hwan) 부산경남사학회 2014 역사와 경계 Vol.91 No.-

본 논문은 3.1운동 이후 통영청년단을 비롯한 청년운동의 발전과정을 살펴보고, 그 과정에서 나타난 ‘김기정 징토운동’이 통영지역에서 항일운동으로까지 전화되어가는 과정을 검토해보았다. 1919년 7월 창립된 통영청년단은 지역사회운동과 항일운동의 중심이었다. 통영청년단의 멤버들은 다수의 다른 청년단체에 복수의 멤버십으로 가담하기도 했으며, 시대의 조류와 중앙의 청년단체들의 변화에 부응하면서 발전해 갔다. 즉 1925년에는 통영지역에도 ‘정의단’, ‘거화동맹’, ‘안우회’, ‘사과실탄티’ 같은 사상단체도 만들어 지고, 청년조직들도 청년동맹으로 변화되어 가기도 했던 것이다. 김기정 사건에서도 이들은 함께 ‘민정회’를 출범시켜 한시적인 임무수행을 위해 ‘특별위원회’의 위상을 부여하였다. 각 청년조직들이 이렇게 별도의 조직을 만들어가면서 개별단체들이 한계를 극복해 나갔다. 김기정 징토운동은 경상남도 도 평의회에서의 김기정의 발언이 단초가 되었고, 통영 사상단체의 효시인 ‘정의단’에서 활동한 김원석의 징토문 살포로 촉발되었다. 게다가 경찰 출신자들의 모임이자 친일 단체인 ‘삼구회’라는 친일조직에 대한 통영민들의 반감으로 항일의식은 더욱 고취되었다. 김원석의 전격구속에 이은 3월 25일의 보고대회가 진행되어 김기정에 대한 징토운동운동이 확산되어가는 시점에 김기정이 관선 도 평의원으로 재임 된다든지, 5월 9일 앞의 보고대회 집행위원 11인을 추가 구속함으로써 사건은 증폭되었다. 3월 15일부터 시작된 이 운동은 동년 5월 15일까지 두 차례에 걸쳐 도합 33인이 구속되고 김기정이 공직에서 사퇴함으로 마무리 되었다. 이 운동을 주도한 것은 ‘통영청년단’을 비롯한 지역의 청년조직이었다. 이 운동이 두 달 동안 지속되어 목적을 달성할 수 있었던 것은 전적으로 통영지역민의 일치단결된 항일의식과 민족반역자에 대한 분노였다. 통영지역의 김기정 징토운동은 지역을 넘어 전국으로, 해외로까지 알려져 일제의 식민지 지배정책 가운데 내선일체에 대한 허구를 공격하고, 부일협력자에 대한 경종을 울려주었다. This thesis examines Tongyeong Youth Union as well as the youth’s movement after the 3·1 Independence Movement. Also, the thesis has identified the process in which the ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ has evolved into an anti-Japanese movement. The Tongyeong Youth Union which was established in July 1919, was the center of the regional society movement and the anti-Japanese movement. The members of Tongyeong Youth Union participated simultaneously in other numerous youth associations and continued developing after adapting to and fulfilling the changes which the central youth organizations underwent with the tides of the times. In other words, an organization advocating a particular system of ideology emerged in Tongyeong 1925, such as ‘Jeongeuidan’, ‘Geohwa-alliance’, ‘Ahnwoohwae’, ‘Sagwasiltanti’ and other organizations. Moreover, youth organizations transformed into youth alliances. Also in the ‘Ki-jeong Kim Incident’, the youths established the ‘Minjeonghwae’ and for carrying out temporary duties, they also appointed the status of special commission. Each and every youth organization established these separate organizations, which supported independent organizations to overcome limits. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was triggered by Won-seok Kim (an individual who had participated in the ‘Jeongeuidan (the first ideology organization in Tongyeong))’s Punish-Movement and also by Ki-jeong Kim’s remark during the Gyeongsangnam-do provincial council. Furthermore, the pro-Japanese organization ‘Samgoohwae’, consisting of personnel with backgrounds as policemen and in pro-Japanese organization, had forced the people of Tongyeong to foster a sense of rebellion towards the Japanese during this organization’s development. Following the imprisonment of Won-seok Kim, a briefing conference had been held on the 25th of March when ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was expanding. This period marked a point when Ki-jeong Kim was to be repositioned for office by the government as a provincial councillor, and marked the amplification of the incidence when 11 more member of the executive committee (briefing conference) were imprisoned on the 9th of May. This movement, which started on the 15th of March, resulted in 33 total individuals being imprisoned until the 15th of May and ended with Ki-jeong Kim’s resignation from public office. Those who led this movement were nonetheless, the Tongyeong Youth Union and the region’s youth organizations. The reasons as to how this movement continued for two months were down to the unanimity of Tongyeong residents’ anti-Japanese sentiment and the rage felt towards traitors. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ of the Tongyeong region spread across the nation to overseas, which attached the fabrication of the ‘Naeseon Ilche (‘Korea and Japan are One’ policy) which was part of Japan’s policy of domination. Lastly, it sounded the alarm for those who acted for the Japanese domination over Korea; traitors.

간찰을 통해 본 扶安金氏家의 교유관계 : 陶菴 李?가 醉醒堂 金守宗에게 보낸 親筆 簡札을 중심으로

김상환(Kim Sang-hwan) 한국학중앙연구원 2004 장서각 Vol.- No.12

Ganchal (簡札, handwritten letters) was one of the most widely used forms of written communication by which the men of old could exchange information among themselves. The form and substance of ganchal differed according to the relationship between the sender and the recipient. Studies on ganchal are stagnant because ganchal is not only hard to understand but illegible in most cases due to the difficulty in understanding the writing style in cursive (草書) or semi-cursive (行書) script. This paper analyzes the contents and the characteristics on ganchal which was sent by Lee Jae (李縡, 1680~1746, pen name of Doam 陶菴) to Kim Soo-Jong (金守宗, 1671~1736, pen name of Chwiseongdang 醉醒堂) and has been handed down within the Buan Kim family since then. this study shows the aspects of their companionship. Lee Jae is from Woobong Lee clan (牛峯李氏) and Kim Soo-Jong is from Buan Kim clan (扶安金氏). They were closely related to each other because the two families were connected through marriage in that the mother of Kim Soo-Jong was a daughter of Lee Man-Hee (李晩熙) from the Woobong Lee clan. Of the 50 ganchal sent to Kim Soo-Jong by Lee Jae, 19 included in the book entitled Gancheop (間帖, Collection of Ganchal) and 31 in Doam sudok (陶菴手牘, Handwritten Letters by Doam) have been handed down to date. These 50 ganchal were not included in the Doamjip (陶菴集, Collection of Doam's Works) at all, and Kim Soo-Jong's works were not published in the form of a book in his life time, much less posthumously. However, the ganchal with which literary men like Lee Jae and the family of Kim Soo-Jong corresponded are very valuable materials to Buan Kim clan, resulting in the publication of collected works. Gandok (簡牘, Printed Version of Ganchal from Doam and Other Scholars) is one book divided into three chapters with 116 ganchal sent by 44 people. The third chapter includes 28 ganchal sent by Lee Jae sent to Kim Soo-Jong. Lee Jae, a scholar in the late Joseon dynasty period (朝鮮), was an outstanding scholar in calligraphy. The characteristics of the 50 ganchal which he sent to Kim Soo-Jong are as below: First, ganchal written by his own hand with which he corresponded with Kim Soo-Jong for 41 years from 1701 to 1742. Second, Lee Jae lived in Seoul, Injae (麟蹄) in Gangwon Province, and then Hwajeon (花田) in Goyang, etc, and Kim Soo-Jong lived in Wooban-dong in Buan. Third, ganchal was not sent or received from Doam when Kim Soo-Jong was involved in the Musin Rebellion (戊申亂) of 1728 and suffered hardships. This seems to be due to his attempt to avoid any suspicion of being linked to the rebellion. Fourth, the content of the ganchal varied, ranging from asking after the welfare of the recipient as well as the daily activities in purchasing and management of the farm. Due to the fact that the Woobong Lee clan and the Buan Kim clan were related by marriage, not only Lee Jae but four generations from his grandfather, Lee Suk (李?, 1626~1688), and his father's older brother, Lee Man-Sung (李晩成, 1659~1722), to his son, Lee Jae-Won (李濟遠), and a niece of collateral family corresponded with each other. The contents of ganchal are various as follows ① asking after the welfare; ② sending of condolences; ③ sending of gifts or expressing gratitude for gift and warm friendship; ④ introducing his friend who was being exiled and asking for adequate arrangements for him; ⑤ sending of congratulations and admonitions; ⑥ entrusting of household affairs; ⑦ writer's recent state of affairs. The contents of ganchal, however, did not contain scholarly attainments, moral cultivation, opinions on the current state of politics. Through ganchal, the scholars of old kept in touch with each other by exchanging news of neighboring families, relatives, friends, and the government. If we analyze ganchal in conjunction with other documentary records, ganchal can become a valuable foundation for understanding matters that cannot be clearly understood through other material

다수 카메라를 활용한 동영상 파노라마 생성

김상환(Sang-Hwan Kim),김창수(Chang-Su Kim) 대한전자공학회 2010 대한전자공학회 학술대회 Vol.2010 No.6

[워크샾] 低公害 車輛用 觸媒技術

김상환(Sang Hwan Kim) 한국자동차공학회 1991 오토저널 Vol.13 No.3

전미래적 시간으로의 외출

김상환(Sang Hwan Kim) 철학연구회 1993 哲學硏究 Vol.33 No.-

데리다의 글쓰기와 들뢰즈의 사건: 구조주의 수용의 두 양상

김상환 ( Sang Hwan Kim ) 한국기호학회 2011 기호학연구 Vol.29 No.-

What is the ultimate condition of the possibility of language? Where is the boundary which separate the linguistic world and the pre-linguistic? How can pre-linguistic elements like noise become human words? Regarding Derrida`s Of Grammatology (1967) and Deleuze`s Logic of Sense (1969) as responses to those ancient questions since Plato and Aristotle, I analyse in this paper two texts so as to make clear the senses of two key concepts, archi-writing and event, which play respectively fundamental role in each book. And I compare two concepts so as to make appear the main points where they converge and diverge. In this work of comparison, I intend finally to show two different philosophical ways of appropriating structuralism and two different ways of post-structuralist philosophy of language.

들뢰즈의 CsO론

김상환 ( Sang Hwan Kim ) 영미문학연구회 2007 안과 밖 Vol.0 No.22

새로운 인문학적 상상력의 조건

김상환(Kim Sang-Hwan) 국어국문학회 2007 국어국문학 Vol.- No.147

The way of thinking that ground and conserve the possibility of humane studies, I call it humanistic imagination and find in it the principle of analysis and synthesis which underlies all kinds of human thinking, analysis and synthesis having here the semantic core in their's etymological origin, lysis (string. band): theory of thinking could be theory of lines. In one of the Chinese Five Classics. Book of Changes. we can find a long passage in which fire is understood as line capable of binding and unbinding all things in the world. Commenting this text and connecting it to Western philosophical classics on imagination and thinking. in particular Kant's Critique of Judgement and Hegel's Phenomenology of Mind, I suggest a new theory of thinking that could permit us to explain the historical rise and fall of humanistic imagination in logical point of view. theory of thinking that could permit us to prepare a new methode for humane studies.

데카르트의 정념론과 그 이후

김상환 ( Sang Hwan KIM ) 한국기호학회 2010 기호학연구 Vol.28 No.-

This paper is composed of two parts. In the first part, I analyze and expose main themes of Descartes` Passions of Soul(1649) to make clear originalities and inner limits of the Cartesian problematics of passions in a historical perspective: main themes such as status given to theoretical elaboration on passions in Cartesian system, problem concerning how to define and classify passions, significant value accorded to inner emotion and generosity in Cartesian moral. In the second part, I try to reveal singular points around which Cartesian conception of passions is transformed and succeeded by post Cartesian philosophers such as Hobbes, Spinoza, and Kant, my principal argument being that not only Spinoza`s idea of amor intellectualis Dei, but also Kant`s notions of respect for moral law and the sublime, which play decisive role respectively in his second and third critics, is to be understood as historico logical consequences of Cartesian idea of inner emotion.

데리다의 CsO론: 들뢰즈 비판을 위한 입론

김상환 ( Sang Hwan Kim ) 영미문학연구회 2006 안과 밖 Vol.0 No.21