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석유계 총 탄화수소(Total Petroleum Hydrocarbons, TPH) 분획분석법을 이용한 지하수 중 유류오염물질 분포특성 평가
김덕현,박선화,최민영,김문수,윤종현,이경미,전상호,송다희,김영,정현미,김현구,Kim, Deok Hyun,Park, Sunhwa,Choi, Min-Young,Kim, Moonsu,Yoon, Jong Hyun,Lee, Gyeong-Mi,Jeon, Sang-Ho,Song, Dahee,Kim, Young,Chung, Hyen Mi,Kim, Hyun-Koo 한국지하수토양환경학회 2018 지하수토양환경 Vol.23 No.5
Total petroleum hydrocarbon (TPH) is a mixture of various oil substances composed of alkane, alkene, cycloalkane, and aromatic hydrocarbons (benzene, toluene, ethylbenzene, xylene, etc.). In this study, we investigated 92 groundwater wells around 36 gas stations to evaluate distribution characteristics of petroleum hydrocarbons. Groundwater in the wells was sampled and monitored twice a year. The fraction analysis method of TPH was developed based on TNRCC 1006. The test results indicated aliphatic and aromatic fractions accounted for 28.6 and 73.8%, respectively. The detection frequencies of TPH in the monitoring wells ranged in 21.6 - 24.2%. The average concentration of TPH was 0.11 mg/L with the concentration range of 0.25~0.99 mg/L. In the result of TPH fraction analysis, in aliphatic fractions were 19% (C6-C8 : 0.2%, C8-C10 : 0.4%, C10-C12 : 0.4%, C12-C16 : 0.5%, C16-C22 : 1.0%, C22-C36 : 16.6%), and aromatic fractions were 81% (C6-C8 : 1.1%, C8-C10 : 0%, C10-C12 : 2.9%, C12-C16 : 0.3%, C16-C22 : 4%, C22-C36 : 66.8%). Fractions of C22-C36 were detected in about 83% of the monitoring wells, suggesting non-degradable characteristics of hydrocarbons with high carbon content.
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지하수 중 다환방향족탄화수소류(PAHs, Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbons)의 동시분석법 마련 및 수질실태조사
김덕현,박선화,윤종현,최효정,김문수,정도환,김영,김현구,Kim, Deok Hyun,Park, Sunhwa,Yoon, Jong Hyun,Choi, Hyojung,Kim, Moonsu,Jeong, Do Hwan,Kim, Young,Kim, Hyun-Koo 한국지하수토양환경학회 2020 지하수토양환경 Vol.25 No.4
Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) are organic compounds that tend to persist in environmental media for a long period of time. This work presents a 2-year monitoring study of occurrence of three PAHs (benzo(a)pyrene, naphthalene, and fluoranthene) in groundwater. The groundwater samples were collected from 106 sites of nation's groundwater quality monitoring network and analyzed by simultaneous analysis method to quantify the concentrations of the PAHs. Benzo(a)pyrene was not detected in all samples. Naphthalene and fluoranthene concentrations ranged from not detected to 12.8 ng/L and not detected to 10.5 ng/L with their detection frequency being 57.8 and 4.2%, respectively. The concentrations of PAHs in ground- and drinking waters are not currently regulated in Korea, but the concentration levels of naphthalene and fluoranthene found in this work were lower than the regulatory limits of other countries (naphthalene 0.001~0.07 mg/L, fluoranthene 0.001~1.4 mg/L). The monitoring result of this study revealed that PAHs exist as trace amounts in domestic groundwater, however continuos monitoring is necessary to protect groundwater from PAHs contamination with growing industrialization and urbanization.
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데이터 마이닝 기법을 통한 COVID-19 팬데믹의 국내 주가 영향 분석: 헬스케어산업을 중심으로
김덕현 ( Kim¸ Deok Hyun ),유동희 ( Yoo¸ Dong Hee ),정대율 ( Jeong¸ Dae Yul ) 한국정보시스템학회 2021 情報시스템硏究 Vol.30 No.3
Purpose This paper analyzed the impacts of domestic stock market by a global pandemic such as COVID-19. We investigated how the overall pattern of the stock market changed due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. In particular, we analyzed in depth the pattern of stock price, as well, tried to find what factors affect on stock market index(KOSPI) in the healthcare industry due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Design/methodology/approach We built a data warehouse from the databases in various industrial and economic fields to analyze the changes in the KOSPI due to COVID-19, particularly, the changes in the healthcare industry centered on bio-medicine. We collected daily stock price data of the KOSPI centered on the KOSPI-200 about two years before and one year after the outbreak of COVID-19. In addition, we also collected various news related to COVID-19 from the stock market by applying text mining techniques. We designed four experimental data sets to develop decision tree-based prediction models. Findings All prediction models from the four data sets showed the significant predictive power with explainable decision tree models. In addition, we derived significant 10 to 14 decision rules for each prediction model. The experimental results showed that the decision rules were enough to explain the domestic healthcare stock market patterns for before and after COVID-19.
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Alcaligenes sp.의 생장과 인 제거에 미치는 이종 중금속 혼합의 독성 효과
김덕현 ( Deok Hyun Kim ),유진 ( Jin Yoo ),정근욱 ( Keun Yook Chung ) 한국환경농학회 2016 한국환경농학회지 Vol.35 No.1
BACKGROUND: This study was initiated to quantitatively evaluate the effects of five heavy metals on the growth and P removal efficiencies of Alcaligenes sp., known as the Phosphorus Accumulating Organisms (PAOs). It was cultivated in the batch system with five heavy metals, such as Cd, Cu, Zn, Pb and Ni, added in single and binary mixtures, respectively. METHODS AND RESULTS: IC50 (half of inhibition concentration of bacterial growth) and EC50 (half of effective concentration of phosphorus removal Efficiencies) were used to quantitatively evaluate the effects of heavy metals on the growth and phosphorus removal Efficiencies of Alcaligenes sp. In addition, Additive Index Value (A.I.V.) method was used to evaluate the interactive effects between Alcaligenes sp. and heavy metals. As a result, as the five heavy metals were singly added to Alcaligenes sp., the greatest inhibitory effects on the growth and P removal efficiencies of each bacteria was observed in the cadmium (Cd). In the binary mixture treatments of heavy metals, the treatments of lowest IC50 and EC50 were the Cd + Cu treatment. Based on the IC50 and EC50 of the binary mixtures of heavy metals treatments, most interactive effects between the heavy metals were found to be antagonistic. CONCLUSION: Based on the results obtained from this study, it appears that they could provide the basic information about the toxic effects of the respective treatments of single and binary mixtures of heavy metals on the growth and P removal efficiencies of Alcaligenes sp. through further study about the characterization of functional proteins involved in toxic effects of heavy metals.
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김덕현(Deok Hyun Kim),이인수(In Su Lee),차춘남(Chun Nam Cha) 한국산업경영시스템학회 2020 한국산업경영시스템학회지 Vol.43 No.1
To enhance the effectiveness of the FMS (flexible manufacturing system), it is necessary for the manufacturing control system to be upgraded by integrating the cyber and the physical manufacturing systems. Using the CPPS (Cyber-Physical Production System) concept, this study proposes a 4-stage vertical integration and control framework for an aircraft parts manufacturing plant. In the proposed framework, the process controller prepares the operations schedule for processing work orders generated from the APS (advanced planning & scheduling) system. The scheduled operations and the related control commands are assigned to equipments by the dispatcher of the line controller. The line monitor is responsible for monitoring the overall status of the FMS including work orders and equipments. Finally the process monitor uses the simulation model to check the performance of the production plan using real time plant status data. The W-FMCS (Wing rib-Flexible Manufacturing Control & Simulation) are developed to implement the proposed 4-stage CPPS based FMS control architecture. The effectiveness of the proposed control architecture is examined by the real plant’s operational data such as utilization and throughput. The performance improvement examined shows the usefulness of the framework in managing the smart factory’s operation by providing a practical approach to integrate cyber and physical production systems.
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일반논문 : 공직선거법상 연령에 의한 공무담임권 제한의 위헌성 검토 -"대통령,국회의원 피선거권 연령 제한", "2인 이상 최고득표 시 연장자 당선" 규정을 중심으로
김덕현 ( Deok Hyun Kim ) 서울대학교 BK21 법학연구단 공익인권법연구센터 2015 공익과 인권 Vol.15 No.-
현행 공직선거법 제16조 제1항은 ‘40세 이상의 국민’에게만 대통령 피선거권을 인정하고, 동조 제2항은 ‘25세 이상의 국민’에게만 국회의원 피선거권을 인정한다. 또한, 공직선거법 제188조 제1항 단서, 제190조 제1항 단서, 제191조 제1항 단서 규정은 ‘지역구국회의원선거, 지역구시ㆍ도의원 및 지역구자치구ㆍ시ㆍ군의원의 선거, 지방자치단체의 장 선거’에서 최고득표자가 2인 이상인때에는 연장자를 당선인으로 결정한다. 본 논문은 헌법적 관점에서 해당 규정들의 위헌성을 검토하여, 그에 대한 대안을 해석론과 입법론의 차원에서 제시한다. 첫 번째로, 40세 및 25세 이상의 국민에게만 피선거권을 인정하는 공직선거법 제16조 제1항과 동조 제2항은 위헌의 소지가 강하다. 헌법재판소는 ‘능력과 자질의 필요성’ 등을 이유로 하여 관련 규정에 대하여 합헌 결정을 내린 바 있으나, 이러한 결정에는 몇 가지 문제점이 있다. 첫째, 헌법재판소가 제시한 ‘능력과 자질의 필요성’ 등의 요인은 대의제의 특성과 참정권의 중요성을 고려할 때 피선거권 제한에 대한 명백한 정당화 사유가 될 수 없다. 둘째, 피선거권을 제한하는 다른요건 -특히 한정치산자의 피선거권을 제한하였던 과거의 법률 규정이 폐지된 사정- 들과 비교하여볼 때, 이러한 점은 더욱 분명해진다. 셋째, 해당 규정이 입법자의 재량 영역에 속한다는 헌법재판소의 판시는 직선제 선거의 특성과 국민주권주의 원리상 타당하지 않다. 넷째, 현행 법제는 선거권 연령과 피선거권 연령이 불균형하다는 점에서 국민주권주의 원리에 반한다. 더 나아가 관련 규정을 검토하건대, 해당 규정은 보통선거, 자유선거 원리 등 선거원리에 위배되며, 특정 연령 미만국민의 공무담임권과 평등권을 침해한다. 또한 해당 규정의 입법연혁과 외국의 입법례를 분석하여보건대, 해당 규정은 만연히 한국사회의 ‘유교적 문화’의 산물이라는 이유로 정당화 될 수도 없다. 한편, 대통령 피선거권을 40세 이상의 국민에게만 인정하는 공직선거법 제16조 제1항의 위헌성을 검토함에 있어서는, 같은 내용을 규정하고 있는 헌법 제67조 제4항과의 관계가 문제될 수있다. 이에 대하여 관련 규정의 입법연혁, 헌정사, 헌법 이론상의 쟁점을 분석하여 보건대, 해석론상 헌법재판을 통한 위헌 판단의 가능성이 있다. 또한 입법론적으로는 대통령 피선거권 연령을 제한하는 규정을 폐지하거나, ‘선거권 연령’, ‘성년 연령’ 등과 동일하게 개정하는 대안이 가능하다. 또한, 국회의원 피선거권을 25세 이상의 국민에게만 인정하는 공직선거법 제16조 제2항에 대하여는 헌법재판을 통한 위헌 판단이 명백히 가능하다. 입법론적으로는 위에서 제시한 대안과 같이, 국회의원 피선거권 연령을 제한하는 규정을 폐지하거나, ‘선거권 연령’, ‘성년 연령’ 등과 동일하게 개정하는 대안이 가능하다. 이러한 대안은 대한민국 민주공화국 체제의 자유주의와 공화주의를 보강하는 효과를 지닌다. 두 번째로, 2인 이상 최고득표 시 연장자를 당선자로 규정하는 공직선거법 제188조 제1항 단서, 제190조 제1항 단서, 제191조 제1항 단서 규정은 위헌의 소지가 강하다. 첫째, 해당 규정은 최고득표를 한 연소자 후보의 공무담임권 및 평등권을 침해한다. 이러한 분석은 이와 유사한 결정례들과의 비교를 통하여 볼 때 더욱 타당성을 지닌다. 둘째, 해당 규정은 이미 유권자들이 종합적인 고려를 통하여 선출한 최고득표자에 대하여 사후적으로 ‘연령’이라는 기준에 의하여 법률로써 당선자를 결정한다는 점에서 국민주권주의에 위배된다. 따라서 해석론으로 헌법재판을 통한 위헌 판단이 가능하다. 입법론적으로는, 재투표를 실시하는 것이 가장 바람직하고, 선거 과정에서 선거규정을 적게 위반한 자, 먼저 입후보등록을 한 자 등, 후보자가 능력이나 노력에 의하여 변경할수 있는 요인에 의한 당선자 결정 방법, 또는 추첨 등이 대안이 될 수 있다. 본 연구는 그동안 선거권 연령에 관한 논의에 비하여 취약하였던 피선거권 관련 논의를 구체화 한다는 의의를 지닌다. 또한, 관련 규정의 입법연혁 및 헌정사, 외국의 정치체제 및 제도에 대한 고려, 연령 이외의 다른 공무담임권 제한 요소와의 비교, 그동안 통념적으로 받아들여져 온 유교적 문화에 기반을 둔 설명에 대한 비판적 검토 등의 여러 가지 방법론을 취하였다는 특성을 갖는다. 국가의 주권자인 국민들 중 누가 대표자가 될 수 있는 자격이 있고 누가 그러한 자격이 없는가 에 대한 명문의 법규는 그 국가 및 사회공동체가 해당 구성원을 대하는 태도와 시각을 여실히 드러낸다. 현행 공직선거법은 합리적 근거 없이 특정 연령 미만의 국민 또는 연소자에 대하여 부정 적인 시선과 경계를 보이고 있다. 앞으로 공직선거법의 연령차별적 요소들에 대한 논의가 활발하 게 이루어져 이러한 현실이 개선되고, 정치 및 선거 참여 확대와 국민주권주의의 내실화로 이어질 수 있길 기원한다. According to the article 16 (1) of the Korean ‘Public Official Election Act(POE Act)’, only those who are 40 years of age or above shall be eligible for election to the Presidency. This is similar to the article 16 (2) of the POE Act in that only those who are aged 25 years or above shall be eligible for election as a member of the National Assembly. Also, according to the article 188 (1), 190 (1), 191 (1) of the POE Act, the senior shall be decided as the elected person if two or more persons have obtained the largest votes in the ‘election of a local constituency National Assembly member, election of the ‘City/Do’ council members of local constituency and the autonomous ‘Gu/Si/Gun’ council members of local constituency, and election of the head of a local government.’ This research reviews the unconstitutionality of these provisions and suggests some amendments of POE Act. Firstly, the article 16 (1) and the article 16 (2) of POE Act are unconstitutional. Korean constitutional court has declared these provisions constitutional, judging that people below certain age do not have the enough ‘ability and talent’ for becoming the representative. However, there are several problems concerning this decision. First, the ‘lack of ability and talent’ is not an obvious ground for restricting the eligibility for election by age. Second, the restriction by age is not an appropriate justification when compared with other factors restricting the eligibility for election. Third, the decision that these provisions are in the range of legislative discretion, is not in line with the principles of direct election and sovereignty of the people. Fourth, these provisions are against the principle that people entitled to vote has the eligibility for election. Furthermore, these provisions run counter to fundamental principles of election such as ‘universal election’, ‘equal election’, and ‘liberal election’. And the provisions infringe the right to hold public office and the right of equality of the people below certain age. Also, examining the history of the provisions and provisions of other countries, the provisions can not be justified as a tradition of ‘confucian culture’. On the one hand, when it comes to discuss the unconstitutionality of the article 16 (1) of POE Act, the relationship between the article and the article 67 (4) of the constitution comes into question. Examining the history of the provisions, history of the constitution, and theoretical issues, the constitutional decision by the constitutional court is possible. And in the perspective of revision of law, there are several ways to improve the provision such as abrogating the provision, alleviating the restriction to the ‘age of the suffrage’ or ‘the age of legal majority.’ Also, the article 16 (2) of POE Act is unconstitutional in the perspective of interpretation, and the amendments mentioned above could be applied to this provision. And these amendments have the effect of reinforcing liberalism and republicanism in the current democratic republic system of the Republic of Korea. Secondly, the article 188 (1), 190 (1), and 191 (1) of POE Act which decide the senior as the elected if two or more persons have obtained the largest votes are unconstitutional. First, the provisions infringe the right to hold public office and the right of equality of the junior candidate. Second, the provisions run counter to the principle of sovereignty of the people in that the provisions decide the elected by age after the comprehensive deliberation and vote by the electorates. So, the constitutional court should declare those provisions unconstitutional. Also, there could be several alternatives such as revoting, deciding the elected based on the factor that can be changed by ones effort or ability, or deciding by drawing lots. This research has significance in that it embodies an argument concerning the age and right to hold public office, which has not been discussed much compared to the discussions concerning the age and right to vote. And this research has the characteristics of applying various methods, such as, examining the history of related provisions, history of the constitution, political system of other countries, and critically analysing the common idea which has explained those provisions as a part of ‘confucian culture.’ A substantive enactment regulating who is qualified to become a representative of the nation and who is not qualified to become a representative, indicates the community``s attitude and standpoint toward certain members of the community. The existing POE Act shows negative perspective to the people below certain age without any reasonable ground. The reform of the related provisions of the POE Act could solve these problems and would lead to the increase of participation in elections and to the substantial sovereignty of the people.
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