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김원곤 남서울대학교 1998 남서울대학교 논문집 Vol.4 No.-
This article purports; 1) to consider the theoretical aspects of 'One Country, Two Systems' ; 2) to analyze it ; and 3) to understand the unification policies currently performed by the Chinese government. The problems which are relative to the unification between China and Taiwan have enormous impacts upon the present status of affairs around the north-east Asia. Furthermore, this kind of consideration will afford a wide range of excellent lessons to the divided country of Korea. Since the 80s, when Deng Xiao Ping took power, the Chinese government has attempted assiduously to shift 'the armed unification policy' that Mao had carriedout before into 'the peaceful unification policy' and has laid out the general schema for unification of Taiwan. On the occasion of the retrocession of Hong Kong to China on the 1st of July in 1997, the Chinese government started to apply the schema virtually to its diplomatic strategy and is now ready to carry out the unification policies toward Taiwan. In this article, We will analyze the positions which China, Taiwan and United States might take in that the three countries mentioned hold the immediate key to the solutions of the unification problems. The efficiencies and problems predictable in the process of bringing 'One Country, Two Systems' to effect will be investigated.
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김원곤 韓國外國語大學校 外國學綜合硏究센터 中國硏究所 2005 中國硏究 Vol.36 No.-
In this paper, I tried to explain the implications and the reflection of 'Taiwan Consciousness' in Taiwan society over the past five decades since the Februrary 28th Incident (generally referred to as '2.28') occurred in 1947. The Februrary 28th Incident of 1947 provides a dramatic demonstration of how such issues as national identity, cultural reconstruction, and the search for political autonomy have had significant impact on the development of 'Taiwan Consciousness'. The KMT's opposition, on the other hand, never forgot '2.28' and until the 1980s, used the incident as a powerful election platform and called on the government to narrow the gap between mainlanders and Taiwanese. In 1988, a native taiwanese Lee Teng-hui, ascended to the seat of power as president. The KMT mantle Lee inherited, however, made it imperative that he deflect the increasingly vocal and bitter charge that the president of the Republic of China is a Taiwan independence advocate. And so rather than insisting on a total rejection of China and treating it as a culturally and ethnically different alien other, as the radical wing of the independence movement does, Lee, more out of strategic considerations than sincere belief, does occasionally make public, lackluster acknowledgement of common cultural and ethnic roots with China. Lee's and, consequently, Chen Shui-bian's talk about Taiwanese national identity has infuriated communist leaders in Beijing. China has warned Taiwanese voters not to support independence leaders but has refused to acknowledge that their 'provocative talk' is backed by a real and growing sense of a new 'Taiwan consciousness'. This paper argues that the political change in Taiwan contains to major transitions, the political regime and national identity. These could be integrated into a framework composing two contrast references, i.e., 'modern democratic Taiwanese political nationalism' vis-a-vis 'traditional authoritative Chinese cultural nationalism'. The reason why the first repertoire is modern, it is because that fits into the modern world order, which is based on the territoriality. And since it fits into the world order, the Taiwanese consciousness would be politically self-generated in accordance with its territory. This nation/state-building is in accordance with the searching for Taiwan's subject. This paper also argues that Taiwan-centric consciousness is not tantamount to Taiwan independence, but instead gives priority to Taiwan's interests. The two sides of the Taiwan Strait will spend more time on crisis management rather than creating a sound framework for cross-strait interaction.
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「16차 당대회」를 통해서 본 중국 정치엘리트의 성격변화와 특징
김원곤 남서울대학교 2004 남서울대학교 논문집 Vol.10 No.3
中國共産黨每五年擧行一次的全國黨員代表大會, 是決定黨的理論、 方針、 路線和政策的一項重要會議。十六大的召開, 除了上述任務, 同時承擔世代交替、 權力傳承的重責大任。 本文乃透過中共甄拔政治精英的制度化與非制度化因素, 從權力領導核心之重組、 人事佈局原則分析、 人事變遷對未來之影響三部分, 針對十六大及十六屆一中全會的人事變動進一步硏究, 以做爲觀察中共未來走向依據之一。 本文最後指出, 中共十六大雖平穩地完成權力繼承, 不過其人事佈局, 基本上是由第三代領導所決定, 尤其是江澤民掌握了主導權, 其次是基於派系平衡考慮, 以致處處有妥協的痕跡。 在擴大各方利益, 讓各股勢力得以調和之下, 中國共産黨黨內民主機制是否向前推進, 値得觀察。
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'하나의 중국'(一個中國)에 대한 中國과 台灣 · 美國의 기본 인식과 그 영향
金源坤 남서울대학교 2005 남서울대학교 논문집 Vol.11 No.1
過去國民黨和共産黨都主張「一個中國, 台灣是中國的一部分」, 但在九十年代以後, 由於台灣的民主化, 而有不同聲音, 國民黨的李登輝總統執政時期, 已開始出現「兩個中國」傾向, 民進黨公開主張「台灣獨立」. 2000年和2004年民進黨陳水扁總統當選後基本上排除國民黨的「一個中國」政策, 而走向以「台灣本土化」爲中心的台灣獨立路線. 陣政府所主張的以台灣獨立爲本質的「一邊一國」, 基本上是不可能爲中華人民共和國所接受. 而且美國對兩岸問題保持著二重的態度, 台灣內部社會對台灣獨立問題沒有達成公識等種種原因也是陳政府面臨的困難. 目前全球政治局勢的發展, 台灣獨立的主張似乎沒有發展的空間. 對台灣某些政治人物而言, 這類傾向台灣獨立的主張, 其實只是國內政治考量遠大於國際或兩岸政治的需要. 兩岸未來之關係有可能政治關係不確定的情況之下, 維持著經濟交流持續成長的局面.
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金源坤 한국중국문화학회 2001 中國學論叢 Vol.11 No.-
半個世紀以來, 西方硏究中國的模式從「極權主義」, 「多元主義」到目前的「新制度主義」分析等歷經了幾次的典範轉移. 八0年代以來,西方中國硏究的議題多集中在改革路徑的選擇, 鄕村工業成長的動力, 經濟改革與社會後果, 國家-社會關係以及中國政治發展前景等, 不僅成果豊碩, 且與社會科學理論形成一種辨證性的對話, 對國內中國硏究而言, 亦具有積極的示範作用. 早期國內的中國硏究因政治氣□與資料來源的稀缺, 其成果也維持初步的水平. 國內的中國硏究從九0年代開始發展起來, 一大批硏究中國學者不斷地在國內學界□露頭角, 形成了國內中國硏究的新階段. □一方面, 九二年度韓中之間的邦交之後, 兩國之間政治, 經濟, 社會, 文化以及學術交流越來越發展. 這種情況對國內中國硏究的發展提供良好的機會. 目前國內中國硏究量的成長非常快, 但質的方面仍然需要加强的地方. 國內中國硏究的下一步的方向何在? 吾人認爲不能以西方的尺度來簡單裁量中國經驗, 而是如何從中國的經驗出發, 與西方社會科學進行對話, 這將爲國內的中國硏究帶來新的理論方向.
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김원곤 남서울대학교 2010 남서울대학교 논문집 Vol.16 No.2
就在一九三五年, 日本帝國主義日益擴大對中國的侵略, 使中國民族危機空前嚴重起來. 日本在一九三一年侵佔東三省, 一九三三年侵佔熱河之後, 又於一九三五年五月製造華北事變, 提出對華北統治權的要求. 一九三七年七月七日日本發動盧溝橋事件, 中國與日本之間終於發生全面戰爭. 日本侵略中國之際, 蔣介石仍然採取‘先安內後攘外’策略, 後來因‘西安事件’與‘盧溝橋事件’的發生, 國民黨與共産黨達成第二次國共合作. 但統一戰線戰術的內容上, 國民黨與共産黨, 共産黨內毛澤東與王明之間存在著岐見. 國民黨主張片面抗日統一戰線和企圖衰弱與消滅共産黨,而王明是回國來執行共産國際七大所決定的統一戰線戰略, 均强調“抗日高於一切, 一切服從抗日”鼓吹“一切服從統一戰線”. 毛澤東堅持主張“獨立自主原則”, 主張建立統一軍隊, 主張統一指揮,編制,紀律 等. 中國共産黨第六屆六中全會後, 黨中央採取毛澤東的“獨立自主原則”統一戰線路線. 毛逐漸擴張黨內力量, 相對來說衰弱國際派的力量, 後來七次黨大會以後樹立了毛澤東思想, 最後共産黨在中國大陸完成了共産主義政權. Key Words : United front strategy, Mao-zedong, Wang-ming, Jiang-jieshi
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