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Mutational Analysis of the Metal-binding Sites of Peroxide Sensor PerR
Won, Young-Bin,Ji, Chang-Jun,Cho, Ju-Hyun,Lee, Jin-Won Korean Chemical Society 2010 Bulletin of the Korean Chemical Society Vol.31 No.6
Bacillus subtilis PerR is a metal-dependent peroxide-sensing transcription factor which uses metal-catalyzed histidine oxidation for peroxide-sensing. PerR contains two metal binding sites, one for structural $Zn^{2+}$ and the other for the regulatory/peroxide-sensing metal. Here we investigated the effect of mutations at both the structural and regulatory metal binding sites on the oxidation of either H37 or H91, two of the peroxide-sensing ligands. All four serine substitution mutants at the structural $Zn^{2+}$ site (C96S, C99S, C136S and C139S) exhibited no detectable oxidation at histidine residues. Two of the alanine substitution mutants at regulatory metal site (H37A and D85A) exhibited selective oxidation preferentially at the H91-containing tryptic peptide, whereas no oxidation was detected in the other mutants (H91A, H93A and D104A). Our results suggest that the cysteine residues coordinating structural $Zn^{2+}$ are essential for peroxide sensing by PerR, and that the C-terminal regulatory metal binding site composed of H91, H93 and D104 can bind $Fe^{2+}$, providing a possible explanation for the peroxide sensing mechanisms by PerR.
Cho, Won-Bin(조원빈) 한국아프리카학회 2016 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.48 No.-
정치 폭력은 아프리카 내 주요한 안보 이슈 중 하나다. 최근 케냐를 비롯해 코트디부아르와 나이지리아 등의 국가에서 정치 폭력은 매우 현저하게 발생해 왔다. 정치 폭력에 대한 기존 연구는 이 지역 국가가 본질적으로 능력이 미약하기 때문에 정치 폭력이 자주 발생한다고 주장해 왔다. 이러한 연구는 좀 더 구체적으로 국가의 어떠한 측면이나 기능이 이 지역에 자주 발생하는 정치 폭력에 기여하는지 체계적으로 설명하지 못한다. 이에, 본 논문은 정치 폭력 발생과 밀접한 관계가 있는 국가의 구체적 기능들을 세분화하고 그 영향을 분석함으로써 기존 연구의 한계를 극복하려 한다. 이러한 목적을 달성하기 위해, 본 논문은 아프로바로메터 여론조사 데이터를 이용해 아프리카의 일반 시민들이 국가의 다양한 기능을 어떻게 구분하며 그들이 정치적 목적으로 폭력을 행사할 때 국가의 다양한 기능의 역할에 대하여 어떻게 바라보는지 경험적으로 분석한다. 분석결과 본 논문은 국가가 치안 확보를 충분히 못한다고 느낄 때와 국가의 정당성이 취약하다고 생각할 때, 국가가 개인의 재산을 제대로 보호하지 못한다고 느낄 때, 자신이 속한 집단이 피해를 보고 있다고 생각할 때일수록 아프리카인들은 정치적 목적으로 폭력을 행사하는 것에 대하여 관대한 태도를 보인다는 것을 발견했다. 반면, 국가의 존재를 느끼거나 국가가 공공서비스를 제대로 제공한다고 생각하는 지는 이 지역의 시민들이 정치 폭력을 수용할 수 있다고 느끼는 것에 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 나타났다. Political violence has emerged as one of Africa"s most pressing security issues and recent events in Kenya, Cote d"Ivoire and Nigeria point to the salience of the phenomenon. Existing studies argue that the weak and incapacitated nature of African states is a significant factor contributing to high levels of political violence. Yet this insight does not help us to understand which aspect of a weak state affects political violence. This study attempts to bridge this gap in the literature by specifying which aspects of state weakness influence political violence. Using Afrobarometer survey data, this study identifies and measures citizens’ perceptions of the dimensions of state weakness and explores how these popular attitudes shape perceptions of the use of violence for political purposes. We find that widespread crime and insecurity, lack of state legitimacy, inadequate protection of private property and the existence of group grievances vis a vis the state are strongly associated with popular acceptability of political violence. However, we do not find any significant effect of weak presence of the state and poor provision of public goods on an individual’s proclivity to engage in political violence.
( Won Bin Cho ),( Hyung Chan Kim ),( Jun Woong Moon ) 대한안과학회 2012 Korean Journal of Ophthalmology Vol.26 No.2
A 73-year-old woman underwent vitrectomy and intravitreal triamcinolone acetonide (IVTA) of the right eye and cataract surgery with IVTA of the left eye, for bilateral diabetic macular edema. The patient presented with visual loss in both eyes three-months postoperatively. The fundoscopic examination revealed white-yellow, necrotic peripheral lesions in the superotemporal quadrant of both eyes. Although bilateral acute retinal necrosis was suspected, azotemia resulting from diabetic nephropathy limited the use of acyclovir. Antiviral treatment was not started. A sample of the aqueous humor for polymerase chain reaction (PCR) analysis was obtained. One week later, the PCR results indicated the presence of cytomegalovirus (CMV). Since the retinal lesions did not progress and did not threaten the macula, the patient was followed without treatment for CMV. The retinal lesions progressively regressed and completely resolved in both eyes by six months of follow-up. Patients with IVTA-induced CMV retinitis may not require systemic treatment with ganciclovir.
( Yuri Cho ),( Jeong Hoon Lee ),( Dong Hyeon Lee ),( Min Jong Lee ),( Jeong Ju Yoo ),( Won Mook Choi ),( Young Youn Cho ),( Yun Bin Lee ),( Eun Ju Cho ),( Su Jong Yu ),( Nam Joon Yi ),( Kwang Woong Le 대한간학회 2013 춘·추계 학술대회 (KASL) Vol.2013 No.1
Background/aims: Some patients with hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) beyond the Milan criteria (MC) have favorable tumor biology, and that these patients would have low risk of tumor recurrence after living donor liver transplantation (LDLT). This study was designed to develop a model of tumor recurrence after LDLT for HCC beyond the MC, so as to select the best candidates for LDLT in HCC beyond the MC. Methods: Consecutive patients who had undergone LDLT beyond the MC at Seoul National University Hospital between September 2001 and January 2013 were analyzed. Demographic, clinical, and tumor characteristics were evaluated and a model to predict recurrence after LDLT (MoRAL score) was created. Results: A total of 104 patients were included. The median follow-up was 52.7 (range, 1.6-157.5) months. Their 5-year overall survival and cumulative recurrence rates were 70.4% and 41.8%, respectively. In multivariate analysis, independent pretransplant risk factors for HCC recurrence were serum AFP (OR=1.003, P=0.013) and PIVKA-II (OR=1.001, P=0.050) levels. AFP reflected maximal tumor size and PIVKA-II reflected tumor number and type (nodular or diffuse/infiltrative) (all P<0.001). Using Cox proportional hazards model, MoRAL score ( )was derived (median, 108.3; range 33.7-3928.3). The concordance statistic of MoRAL (0.836) was superior to CLIP score (0.772), TNM stage (0.600), JIS stage (0.601) and T classification (0.626). The tumor recurrence after LDLT was significantly related to mortality (OR=21.6, P<0.001). Conclusions: A new model to predict tumor recurrence of HCC patients beyond the MC after LDLT based on objective parameters provides refined prognostication (Figure 1). External validation is warranted.
원위 대퇴골 골절의 보존적 치료 후 발생한 슬와동맥의 거대 가성동맥류 -증례 보고-
조원철 ( Won Chul Cho ),박종빈 ( Chong Bin Park ),최영준 ( Young Jun Choi ),이현일 ( Hyun Il Lee ),원희재 ( Hee Jae Won ),황재광 ( Jae Kwang Hwang ) 대한골절학회 2016 대한골절학회지 Vol.29 No.2
A pseudoaneurysm is a contained arterial disruption in the intimal and medial layers of an arterial wall. It may originate from a perforation caused by traumatic or iatrogenic injury or the dehiscence of a surgical anastomosis. Because of its insidious onset and delayed presentation, orthopaedic surgeons should be aware of the possibility of such a lesion after an initial trauma. We report on a case of a delayed huge pseudoaneurysm of the popliteal artery that occurred 11 months after conservative treatment of a supracondylar fracture of the femur in order to keep in mind the possibility of the delayed presentation of vascular injury after a distal femur fracture.
아시아에서의 좋은 민주주의 “좋은 민주주의” 지표 민주주의 질의 경험적 측정
조원빈 ( Won Bin Cho ) 인제대학교 민주주의와자치연구소 2014 비교민주주의연구 Vol.10 No.1
This paper attempts to develop a measurement called “Good Democracy” Index in order to measure the quality of democracy. Existing various democratic indices mainly focus on political institutions such as electoral results when they measure the levels of democracy. However, these existing democratic indices are not able to systematically measure the various democratic quality of newly emerging democracies around the world since 1990s. Although those emerging democracies establish those minimal democratic political institutions, the new political systems are not able to guarantee the citizens to enjoy political freedom and equality, two critical values of democracy. For example, multiparty elections sometimes cause serious social conflicts, high levels of corruption, and economic polarization among citizens, which are not expected from a new democratic system. In turn, this study argues that the good democracy index should measure not only the procedural dimension of democracy such as contestation and participation but also the output dimension of democracy. As an essential part of the quality of democracy, the output dimension includes economic performance and how to distribute it as well as social integration.