김대건 신부의 해로를 통한 조선 입국로

김수태(Kim, Soo Tae) 한국교회사연구소 2016 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.49

김대건 신부는 신학생 때인 1842년에 프랑스 함대를 타고 조선으로 들어오려다 실패하였다. 1845년 부제로서 육로로 조선에 입국하였던 그는 서해를 건너 중국에 들어간 최초의 천주교 신자가 되었다. 이후 신부가 된 그는 조선에서 타고 갔던 배로 페레올 주교와 다블뤼 신부와 함께 다시 돌아왔다. 그러나 귀국한지 얼마 안 되는 1846년에 그는 백령도 부근을 거점으로 해서 조선과 중국을 연결하는 새로운 입국로를 개척하려다가 체포되고 말았다. 따라서 그는 바다와 함께 살다가 순교한 사제였다고 일컬을 수 있다. 이러한 까닭에 김대건 신부의 서해를 통한 선교사들의 입국로 개척에 대해서는 최근에 들어와서 관심이 높아지고 있다. 페레올 주교가 구상하고, 김대건 신부가 개척하였기에 가능하게 되었다고 파악되고 있다. 그러나 김대건 신부의 해로를 통한 입국로 개척에 대해서는 새롭게 다룰 측면이 있다. 우선 페레올 주교와 김대건 신부의 활동은 그 보다 앞선 선교사들이 시도한 해로 개척의 연장선상에서 살펴보아야 한다는 것이다. 무엇보다도 김대건 신부의 활동이 주도적이거나, 능동적으로 제대로 그려지고 있지 않다는 점을 커다란 문제라고 할 수 있다. 이 점에서 해로에 대한 전문적인 지식을 가지고 있던 김대건 신부에 의해서 프랑스 선교사들의 해로 입국이 구체적으로 이루어지게 되는 과정을 새롭게 살펴보고자 한다. 사실 프랑스 선교사들은 조선배로 조선에 입국하는 문제에 대해서 망설였다. 김대건 부제가 중국으로 타고 온 배가 너무나 작고 초라해서 서해를 건너서 갈 수 있는 배로 생각하지 않았다. 더욱이 김대건 신부의 항해 지식이나 해로 개척 가능성에 대해서도 그다지 신뢰하지 않았던 것이다. 이에 이들은 조선배가 아니라 중국배로 조선으로 돌아가고자 희망하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 김대건 신부는 조선의 배로 두 명의 프랑스 선교사를 태워서 입국하였다. 더 나아가 그는 새로운 지도 작성을 바탕으로 프랑스 선교사들이 백령도 부근을 통해서 조선으로 들어올 수 있는 길을 개척하였다. In 1842, when Kim Daekeon was a seminary student, his attempt to enter Chosun dynasty on the French fleet was frustrated. In 1845, as a deacon whom already entered Chosun by land, he became a first Catholic who entered China by crossing the Western sea. Later, becoming an ordained priest, he came back to Chosun with Bishop Ferréol and Father Daveluy by a ship which he took from Chosun. However in 1846, just after returning from China, he was arrested near the Baengnyeong island attempting to pioneer a new entrance connecting China and Chosun dynasty. Therefore, he can be called as a martyr who dwelled on seas. Due to this, Father Kim Daekweon"s efforts to pioneer missionary entrance through the western sea are currently gaining more interest. This was identified as a feasible plan because Baptiste Ferréol has conceived and Father Kim Daekweon has carried out. However, there is an another perspective to consider regarding Father Kim"s pioneering entrance through seaway. Above all, Bishop Ferréol and Father Kim"s attempts should be considered as an extension of efforts of the previous missionaries. Also, another crucial problem is that Father Kim"s activities are not being portrayed as leading, nor active. In this regard, different examination on how French missionaries" seaway entrance took place by the efforts of Father Kim Daekweon and his expert knowledge about seaway is required. In fact, French missionaries were reluctant at entering Chosun through seaway. The boat that Deacon Kim Daekweon took during his voyage to China was considered too small and flimsy to cross the Western sea. Moreover, Father Kim Daekweon"s nautical knowledge and his vision of pioneering a seaway entrance were thought to be reckless. Hence, they hoped to return to Chosun by chinese ship instead of Chosun"s boat. Nevertheless, Father Kim Daekweon managed to enter Chosun riding Chosun"s boat along with two French missionaries. Furthermore, he pioneered new entrance to Chosun for the French missionaries through mapping areas around Baengnyeong island.

Development of a noninvasive KIM-1-based live-imaging technique in the context of a drug-induced kidney-injury mouse model

Tae-Jun Kwon,Da-Sol Lee,Md. Enamul Haque,Rang-Woon Park,Byungheon Lee,Dongkyu Kim,Yong-Hyun Jeon,Kil-Soo Kim,Sang Kyoon Kim 한국실험동물학회 2021 한국실험동물학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.2021 No.7

The development of reliable methods to diagnose acute kidney injury is essential to allow the adoption of early therapeutic interventions and evaluate their effectiveness. Based on the fact that kidney injury molecule-1 (KIM-1) expression levels in kidneys are markedly upregulated early after a damage event, here we developed a noninvasive KIM- 1-based molecular imaging technique to detect kidney injury. First, we took advantage of a phage-display platform to select small peptides demonstrating a specific high binding affinity to KIM-1. The promising candidate was conjugated with fluorescent probes, and its imaging potential was validated in vitro and in vivo. This peptide, with the sequence CNRRRA, not only showed a high imaging potential in vitro, allowing a strong detection of KIM-1 expressing cells by microscopy and flow cytometry but also generated a strong kidney-specific signal in live-imaging in vivo experiments in the context of a drug-induced kidney-injury mouse model. Our data overall suggest that the CNRRRA peptide is a promising probe to use in the context of in vivo imaging for the detection of KIM-1 overexpression in damaged kidneys.

Poster Session : PS 0831 ; Upper GI Tract : Clinical Factors to Predict Angiographically Detectable Non-Variceal Upper Gastrointestinal Bleeding in Patients Refractory to Endoscopic Treatment

( Tae Hwan Ha ),( Tae Hoon Oh ),( Sung In Yu ),( Min Kim ),( Jong Wook Kim ),( Won Ki Bae ),( Jae Hyung Kim ),( Seung Suk Baek ),( Mi Jin Ryu ),( Ye Na Choi ),( Ji Young Park ),( Eileen L Yoon ),( Tae 대한내과학회 2014 대한내과학회 추계학술대회 Vol.2014 No.1

Background: Non-variceal upper GI bleeding (NVUGIB) is a common medical problem that has signifi cant association with morbidity and mortality. Angiographic detection and subsequent transarterial embolization (TAE) is a primary treatment option when medical and endoscopic treatments fail. We investigated clinical factors that could affect the success of the angiographic detection and prognosis after TAE in patients with NVUGIB refractory to endoscopic therapy. Methods: A retrospective analysis of the clinical data was done in patients with failed endoscopic treatment who underwent angiography for the treatment of acute NVUGIB between May 2002 and May 2013. Patients were divided into detection or non-detection groups according to the presence of bleeding stigmata in angiographic fi nding. Rebleeding defi ned as subsequent bleeding event within 7 days and mortality within 30days were analyzed as outcome parameters after TAE following detection in angiography. Results: A total 45 patients 37 (male, mean age, 65.9±14.9 years) were analyzed and classifi ed as a detection group (n=25, 55.5%) and non-detection group (n=20, 44.6%). Peptic ulcers were the most common cause of refractory NVUGIB. Larger transfusion amount (5.7±3.9 unit vs. 3.5±2.8 unit; P=0.03), prolonged aPTT level (34.2±17.3 sec vs. 21.8±13.8 sec; P=0.01) and short time interval between last endoscopy and angiography (17.5±25.9 hours vs. 34.3±59.5 hours; P=0.04) were found to be signifi cant factors for predicting angiographic detection. TAE was performed in all patients detected in angiography. Rebleeding (44%) was significantly associated with higher Rockall score (8.3±1.5 vs. 6.6±2.4; P=0.046) and mortality (12%) was signifi cantly associated with higher Rockall score (9.3±0.6 vs. 7.1±2.2; P=0.002) and higher level of BUN (55.3±47.4 vs. 27.6±17.4; P=0.01). Conclusions: Clinical characteristics associated with angiographic detection in patients with NVUGIB refractory to endoscopic therapy were severe bleeding, bleeding tendency and early angiographic intervention. The Rockall score is useful parameter for predicting rebleeding and mortality after TAE.

김조순 집권의 정치사적 조명

김태희,Kim. Tae-Heui 대동한문학회 2015 大東漢文學 Vol.43 No.-

김조순의 집권은 정조의 선택으로부터 비롯되었다. 정조는 왜 김조순 또는 안동 김문을 선택했는가? 이즈음 정치세력 내지 정치지형에 나타난 추세를 어떻게 볼 것인가? 정조의 탕평정치의 성과에도 불구하고 왜 정조가 죽자 세도정치가 출현했는가? 외척 세도는 종래 외척의 전횡과 어떻게 다르며, 군주제적 질서와 어떤 관계를 갖고 있는가? 정조에 의한 김조순의 집권은 안동 김문의 정치적 승리를 의미했다. 안동 김문은 17세기 이래 주자학적 의리명분론의 상징이었으며, 영조를 즉위하게 한 노론의 핵심이었다. 안동 김문은 정조의 지향에 부합했다. 붕당이 퇴조하고 가문이 정치세력으로 부상했다. 벌열을 중심으로 정치 의 독과점이 추진되어가는 큰 흐름이 있었다. 정조의 탕평은 일시적으로 이를 저지했을 뿐이다. 더욱이 탕평정치의 유산은 노론 벽파가 파괴해버렸다. 노론 벽파가 축출되었지만 정치 참여 축소의 흐름은 결국 세도정치로 귀결되었다. 전제권력을 견제하기 위한 유교정치의 여러 장치가 약화된 가운데, 벌열 의 배경을 지닌 외척 세도가가 비변사를 통해 효과적으로 전권을 장악했다. 김조순은 자제력과 조정력으로 벌열 중심의 타협과 안정을 이뤘지만, 사족 층의 소외, 서민층의 불만이라는 시대적 문제에 대해 별다른 공업을 남기지 못했다. Kim Jo-soon(金祖淳)'s seizure of power originated from King Jeongjo (正祖)'s choice. Why did King Jeongjo choose Kim and Andong Kim's family(安東 金門)? What trend was seen in politics power change in the late of Joseon(朝鮮)? In spite of King Jeongjo's Tangpyeong(蕩平, Impartiality)-politics, why Sedo(勢道)-politics appeared after the death of King Jeongjo? What's difference between the Sedo-politics and usual arbitrariness by the maternal relatives of the King? Which relations the Sedo-politics did have with monarchy order? Kim Jo-soon's seizure of power means the political victory of Andong Kim's family. Andong Kim's family had been the symbol of neo-Confucian justice and cause since 17C. And the family was the core of Noron(老論) who made King Yeongjo ascend the throne. The family accorded with King Jeongjo's orientation. The faction(朋黨) was in decline and Family was rising as political power. There was a growing trend of political monopoly or oligopoly by meritorious families(閥閱). It was stopped temporarily by King Jeongjo's Tangpyeong-politics and that's all. The heritage of King Jeongjo's Tangpyeong-politics was destroyed by Noron Byeok-pa(僻派). Even though Noron Byeok-pa was ousted, the trend of political monopoly or oligopoly resulted in Sedo-politics. The Confucianism-politics system restraining despotic power had been weakened. Meanwhile the influential maternal relatives backed by his meritorious family seized power through Bibyeonsa(備邊司) and it's effective means. Kim made a compromise and calmness among powerful families with self-control and coordination. But he didn't try to cope with alienation of scholar-gentry and complaints of ordinary people. he failed to meet the requirements of the time.

김대건 가문의 신분에 대한 재검토

김수태(Kim, Soo Tae) 한국교회사연구소 2011 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.37

This paper aims to reexamine the social status of the family of Father Kim Tae-gon. According to the records of the French missionaries who worked together with him, Father Kim was regarded as a commoner until his beautification. However, Korean scholars tend to see him as a member of the Yangban class on the basis of the family genealogy that was discovered during the Japanese colonial period. Even though this new interpretation has become a conventional wisdom, it is difficult to prove that his family was a part of the Yangban class only with his genealogy and family clan. It is more compelling to believe that he was a commoner with the new data on the status of the people of the area where his family lived. It is pointed out that earlier studies on the status of his family may be regarded as “an attempt to make Father Kim a Yangban”, which could result in an adverse effect on a proper understanding of the life and faith of Father Kim.

太谿穴의 臨床 活用에 대한 文獻考察

구성태,송문영,강정묵,김용명,박보라,이은석,홍정아,김경식,손인철 한국전통의학연구소 2003 한국전통의학지 Vol.13 No.1

Literally, the mean of Tae-gye is highest brook. And on the basis of the acupuncture theory, Tae-gye point is the Soo earth point and source point of the Kidney Channel as well. In addition, Tae-gye point is one of the Yang-Returning Nine points. We were trying to study bibliographically on the Tae-gye point because Tae-gye point can be used very broadly across the symptoms in the theoretical aspect described above. As a results, we found out that according to the classical books of acupuncture, Tae-gye point is entering point of the Meridian Water as a source point and can be used at both Kidney-Sufficient Syndrom and Kidney-Deficient Syndrom. And Tae-gye can be applied to the disease of kidney or bladder that is urogenital symtoms, Also, Tae-gye is an useful option of tooth-ache, asthma, indigestion, constipation, edema etc whose cause is related with decrease of Kidney ki.

김중업의 「경주 석굴암 보수공사 설계」(1961-1962)에 관한 고찰

우동선,김태형,Woo, Don-Son,Kim, Tae-hyung 한국건축역사학회 2021 건축역사연구 Vol.30 No.4

This study examines the Gyeongju Seokguram Grotto restoration project (1961-1962) by architect Kim Chung Up (1922-1988) and introduces the documents he wrote at the time of planning. The study highlights Kim's Plan attempt to adopt Buckminster Fuller's idea of the Geodesic Dome, while inheriting the architect Pai Ki Hyung's previous design plan which was nullified. As Seokguram Grotto's water leak and deterioration issues have been brought up, the four-times survey was carried out by experts team between 1958 and 1960, under Ministry of Education's direction. Pai designed an initial restoration plan based on the survey's result, which was a double-dome structure with a concrete film on the outer periphery as a way to protect Seokguram Grotto in January 1961. However, as drawbacks, such as the heavy load of the concrete dome, and non-installation of entrance hall, have been indicated in the review process, the Cultural Properties Committee rejected the plan. Subsequently, Kim was appointed as the supervisor of the second restoration project. Kim drew up a process management schedule to be implemented from August 1961 to December 1963 and designed the conception plans for the second restoration design. This study analyzes Kim's Plan by examining sketches, site plans, floor plans, and sections. Kim planned to maintain the idea of the double-dome structure proposed by Pai while applying Buckminster Fuller's idea of the Geodesic Dome. Kim planned to lighten the dome structure by applying a steel-frame Geodesic Dome so that the dome structure could be supported by its own. The study is expected to reclaim the omitted parts from Seokguram Grotto's historical description and Kim's careers.

Kim’s G.C를 이용한 운동이 요통환자의 피로와 통증완화에 미치는 영향

김태홍(Kim Tae-Hong),김영민(Kim Young-Min) 한국체육과학회 2011 한국체육과학회지 Vol.20 No.2

??The purpose of this study was to estimate the effect of exercise by Kim's G.C on the subjective fatigue and pain relief in back pain patients. For this purpose, 40 back pain patients were divided into two group: both two group were participated in muscle exercise program in public health center for 12 weeks and exercise group was participated in additional exercise program by Kim's G.G The main results of this study were as follow: First, the relief of pain in exercise group was more decreased than that of control group(p<.001). Second, the relief of pain was significantly decreased between pre-exercise and post-exercise in exercise group(p<.001). Third, the subjective fatigue in exercise group was more decreased than that of control group(p<.001). Forth, both two groups showed remarkable reduction in the subjective fatigue(p<.001).

사계 김장생의 예학과 사회정치사상

김태완 ( Tae Wan Kim ) 율곡학회 2010 율곡학연구 Vol.21 No.-

김장생은 이이의 학맥을 이어서 기호학파 또는 율곡학파의 문호를 연 인물이다. 그의 학문적 업적은 특히 예학에서 두드러지게 드러난다. 김장생은 이이의 성리학과 송익필의 예학을 계승하여 자신의 예학체계를 완성하였다. 김장생의 예학이론은 『상례비요』, 『가례집람』, 『의례문해』, 『전례문답』의 사부작에 들어 있다. 김장생은 이들 예서에서 자신의 실용적, 합리적, 주체적 예학 이론을 피력하였다. 김장생은 인조반정 뒤 집권한 서인의 정신적 지주로서 새로운 조선의 기틀을 예로써 확립하려고 노력하였다. 당시 점점 심각해지던 사회경제적인 모순에 대해서도 개혁을 시도하였다. 김장생 예학의 특성은 예의 보편성과 현실성의 조화를 이루고 국가전례에서도 종통을 확립함으로써 사적 예와 공적 예를 일관된 정신으로 묶으려고 한 것이다. 김장생은 종법의 확립을 통한 예제질서를 구축하여 인의와 예가 지배하는 사회를 꿈꾸었다. 그런 점에서 김장생의 예학은 조선사회를 새로이 구성하는 기획이었다. Kim Jang-saeng was the most famous scholar who succeeded in following Yi-i(李珥)`s studies and established the Ki-ho Schools or Yul-gok Schools in Cho-seon dynasty. In the Rye-hak(禮學 or a study of Rites), his academic achievements were distinctively demonstrated. He explored Yi-i`s Neo-confucian theory and Song Ik-pil(宋翼弼)`s Rye-hak and accomplished his own system of Rye-hak. His theories of Rye-hak were appeared in Sang-rye bi-yo(喪禮備要), Ka-rye jip-ram(家禮輯覽), Ui-rye mun-hae(疑禮問解) and Jeon-rye mun-dap(典禮問答) of a tetralogy. In the tetralogy, Kim demonstrated his practical, rational, and subjective theories of the Rye-hak. As an ideologue of Seo-in party, which held the political power of Cho-seon after the revolution of the King In-jo, Kim aspired to set up a new political system of Cho-seon in the pursuit of the Rye. He also tried to reform the severe socio-economic problems issues and matters that the Cho-seon was facing in those years. Kim particularly tried to harmonize the universality and peculiarity of Rye and in so doing it, he attempted to combine unify the individual or private with the public sides of Ryes. He also made developed a comprehensively full-fledge theory of Rye for the royal. He dreamt of a society which could had been possibly governed by the In-ui(仁義 or Humanity and Justice) and the Rye. What Kim`s Rye-hak envisioned, therefore, a master-plan of new society of Cho-seon.

「論思辨錄辨」의 浩然之氣論에 대한 고찰

김태년(Kim Tae neon) 경인교육대학교 기전문화연구소 2008 기전문화연구 Vol.34 No.-

朴世堂(西溪, 1629~1703)의 『思辨錄」을 둘러싼 老論과 少論 간의 시비는 환국을 통한 당파간의 부침이 심했던 숙종대 대표적인 학술논전이자 斯文亂賊 논란이었다. 그리고 金昌協(農巖, 1651~1708)은 노론의 입장에서 「論思辨錄辨」을 저술함으로써 그 논란의 한 가운데 서게 된 인물이다. 본고에서는 김창협의 『사변록』 비판 중 浩然之氣 개념과 관련된 논의를 살펴보고자 한다. 『孟子』의 浩然章, 특히 호연지기 개념은 기호학파 내부에서 많은 논의가 있었던 주제였다. 그들이 호연지기를 대상으로 理와 氣의 관계에 주목한 이유는 단지 수양론적 관심 뿐 아니라 바로 理와 氣, 그리고 心과 性의 관계가 이단과 정학을 구분해주는 기준이기 때문이기도 했다고 판단된다. 따라서 이에 대한 김창협의 논의를 살펴보면 노론측이 제기한 성인을 모독하고 경전을 훼손했다 는 의혹, 구체적으로는 朱熹의 해석을 부정하여 주자학의 종지를 무너뜨렸다는 문제 제기가 정당한 것인지 알아볼 수 있을 것이다. 『사변록』에 등장하는 호연지기 개념에 대한 김창협의 비판을 살펴보면, 그가 朱熹와 宋時烈(尤庵, 1607~1689)의 견해에 따라 박세당을 비판하였으며, 그 이면에는 노론계의 理氣論이 자리잡고 있었던 것을 확인할 수 있다. 그는 그저 자신이 존중하는 朱子 와 다른 의견을 제기했다는 이유에서만 박세당을 비판한 것은 아니었으며, 자신들이 볼 때 박세당의 학설이 正學 의 틀을 벗어날 가능성이 농후하기 때문에 비판했던 것이다. 한편 박세당은 분명히 몇 가지 점에서 朱熹의 주석과는 다른 해석을 제시했지만, 이것만 가지고는 그가 주자학, 혹은 폭을 더 넓혀서 성리학(신유학)의 틀을 벗어난 어떤 새로운 사상 체계를 제시했다고 판단하기 어렵다. 호연장과 관련한 그의 논의를 볼 때 그의 주 관심은 여전히 道義(理)의 실현에 있었고 인식틀 또한 전통적인 이기심성론의 자장 안에 있었다. 이런 측면에서 보면 노론 측의 사문난적 이라는 비판은 분명 도가 지나친 것이었다. 게다가 소론계 학자들이 지적했듯이 노론계 학자들 내부에서도 朱熹의 주석이나 주장에 대해 의문을 표시했다는 사실을 상기해볼 때 박세당에 대한 이러한 비판은 정치적 공세의 일환이었다고 평가할 수밖에 없다. 朱熹의 학설에 대한 비판의 태도 가 문제였다면 몰라도 내용 만 가지고는 斯文 을 배신했다고 볼 수는 없는 것이었다. 이렇게 볼 때 김창협과 박세당의 대립을 탈성리학 대 성리학의 구도에서 볼 것인가 아니면 조선의 성리학계 내부의 노선 다툼으로 파악할 것인가에 대해 다시 검토해볼 여지가 있다고 판단된다. In King Sukjong era s heterodoxy debates between the Noron school and the Soron school, estimation of Park Sedang(l 629 ∼ 1703) s work Sabyeon-nok was key issue in the academia when the two schools showed constant fluctuation of their status to one another. This article deals with Kim Changhyeop(l651 ∼ 1708), a core debater of the Naron school, especially with his theory of Great Morale(Hoyeonjigi) expressed in A Treatise on Sabyeon-nok. As well known, the Passage in Mencius on Great Morale, especially its concept of Great Morale was a frequently discussed theme inside Giho school in relation to the doctrine of i and gi which was a touchstone to discriminate between the orthodoxy and heterodoxy. Thus, it is reasonable to expect that analyzing his stance toward the theme would help to verify the legitimacy of the Noron school’s claim that Park desecrated the holy men and damaged the classics of Confucianism. In the process of analyzing Kim’s critique on the theory of Great Morale in Sabyen-nok, it becomes clear that Kim criticized Park in accordance with Zhu Xi and Song Siyeol( 1607 ∼ 1689), being based on the Noron school’s theory of i and gi. It should be emphasized, however, that Kim’s criticizing Park was not due to the later’s suggesting different stance from Zhu Xi s but due to strong possibility of Park s deviating from Neo Confucian orthodoxy. As to Park Sedang, it is clear that his interpretation of the classics was different from Zhu Xi’s but still he hardly shows a possibility of suggesting a new paradigm beyond Zhu Xi or Neo Confucianism. His discussion on the above-mentioned chapter in Mencius remained being focused on the realization of i and his frame of thought still confined under influence of traditional theories of i-gi simseong. Thus, it can be concluded that the Noron school’s accusation of Park being heresy was not reasonable and might be suggested for political reason. All things being examined, we should ask that whether the confrontation between Kim Changhyeop and Park Sedang was the one between ex-Neo Confucianist on the one hand and orthodox Neo Confucianist on the other, or was the one inside the realm of Neo Confucianism.