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PURPOSE AND METHOD (1) This study intends to examine the regional diffusion of Nam Yang Hong Clan (Hong Clan whose place of origin is Nam Yang, Kyunggi province) and discuss the origin, the regional structure arid the regional development of Nam Yang Hong clan village; Hongbeobri , S,uhshiri-myun , Whasung country , Kyunggi province Special emphasis is laid on the examination of characteristics of feng-shui aspect of burial grounds which induced colonization. (2) Settlement space is considered to be a symbolic space and the interpretation of the settlement landscape is needed. Accordingly this study is based on semantics and hermeneutics theory as well as objective spatial theory methodologically. (3) This settlement space was regarded as the reflections of the value system of the Yi dynasty's upper social groups. (4) Discussion is evolved by explaining that how the conflict between the need for livelihood base and the creation of meaning space did affect the regionalization process of settlement. (5) Research has been carried out by the participant observation in field work. And many records such as genealogy books of Nam' Yang Hong family, prose collections and authentic notes of ancient sage related with Hong family, literary remains of Ko-San , the Yi-dynasty's famous writer and geomancer, arid the town chronicles of the Yi dynasty are used for this study. CONCLUSIONS (1) The Nam Yang Hong name group is divided into two sub-groups: Tang Hong (Chinese Hong ) and To (ta)-Hong (native Hong). It is believed that two groups are the quite different families with same place of origin, but there are no proofs that support this fact. Tang Hong's first progenitor is said to be Chun Ha Hong who was a leader of 8 scholars came from Tang in 7th century. But on the clan genealogy Eun Yeol Hong , 11th son of first progenitor, is recorded as the progenitor of Tang Hong family. On the other hand, To-Hong's progenitor is said to be Sun Haeng Hong in Koryo dynasty, delayed 300 years by the former. This study concerns mainly the regional diffusion and settlement development of To-Hong's clan. (2) On the origin of clan village, it has been generally accepted by many scholars until now Geographical Journal of Korea, VoL 10. 1985. 12, pp. 383-424. that escape from the purge or retirement from the public life in Yi dynasty was the main reason. But in the case of Hongbeob-ri: To-Hong's clan village, although the clan was the meritorious family and many ancestors were the high officials in Yi dynasty, the area of cultivated land as livelihood base and village space are very narrow. The selection of village site was not carried out to seek after the land base for livelihood but to seek after the fortunate burial ground of upper classes in Yi dynasty. They believed that good burial sites could assure the prosperity of descendants. the formation of many traditional clan villages in that time was deeply related to the cult of ancestors. (3) The feng-shui aspect of this clan village is formed by Mt. Chung Myung (160 m) as a guardian mountain and two ridges streching from it. Narrow dissected valley is formed between the two ridges and this valley provides the basis of agricultural land use. This place was foretold by Ko-San (Yun Sun Do ) and other geomancers of Yi dynasty as the fortunate grave site which would produce 3 prime ministers and 8 ministers. Really ToHong family produced 2 prime ministers and 7 ministers in Yi dynasty. (4) The first settler of this village was the 9th son in descent from To-Hong fam>7y. He settled at village Keun-mal in about 1430. The most graves after 9th son of To-Hong family concentrate on the upper edge of the vlllage Keun-mal. About 150 graves including 12th son, Eeon Pil Hong and 13th son, Sum Hong that were the prime ministers at King Joong-jong and King Myung-jong in Yi dynasty respectively are located here. After the first village Keun-mal was settled, village Sambatgal , and village Moraeji were developed on the outskirts of the feng-shui aspect in turn according to population and the branch family growth. (5) 70 years between 9th son (about 1430) and 11th son (about 1500) in descent correspond to the phase of colonization and the following 400 years to about 1900 correspond to the phase of spread for the development of this settlement. During the spread phase, To-Hong family also diffused through the nation. After 1900, the abolishment of class distinctions and other mordernization measures resulted in the retard phase of development of village. (6) The spatial conflict relationships between the settlement space expressed by the feng-shui aspect as a mythical space and the weaknesss of the livelihood base caused by it might be considered as a specific fact which could affect the process of the regional development of the traditional Korean settlements.
The purpose of this article is to rectify the misinformation about the late life of General Hong Bum Do. We are overly emotional and nationalistic about the life of General Hong Bum Do in his later years. It is not only one tragic fact in the Korean history that the accurate place where General Hong died is known about 50 years after his death, but also the other tragic fact that his last life was defined as a `fact` in our view. General Hong Bum Do was forced to move to Kazakhstan in Central Asia with the Koreans in Primorsky Krai. However, as with General Hong Bum Do, the Koreans relied on each other in Central Asia to create a new world. Even though he was over 70 years old, General Hong Bum Do wanted to be an doyen of the Korean society with his passion. With respect to the fact that General of Hong Bum Do worked as a janitor at Koryo Theater, it should be understood whether the position of General Tae Jang Chun, who represented the position of the Koreans or the position of General Hong Bum Do. It would be true that 50 rubles per month was an great addition to his subsistent economy. However, the amount and position did not matter to him. Regardless of any position in Koryo Theater, he would have been happy just by being a senior of the Koryo people, where the Koryo people gathered most to enjoy the joy and enjoy the suffering of their compatriots. Even after the Koryo Theater moved to Ushutobe, Hong Bum Do stayed Kyzylorda, the center of the Korean community, and he lived with his colleagues and read newspaper `Lenin Gichi` and talked about the Koreans.
Hong Haesung's acting theory is intensively condensed in his article「Stage Art and Actor」(『Dong-A Ilbo』1931.8.14~9.16). It is the most vast and accurate acting theory ever published in the era before Korean liberation. In general, the perspectives reflected upon existing studies of Hong Haesung's acting theory could be divided into two approaches. First, it is made on the basic assumption that Hong Haesung was directly & indirectly influenced by Stanislavsky. The other is a that of in a recent research tendency which concludes Hong, Hae-sung's acting theory is a mere transplantation of partial contents of acting methods imported to Japan by the West. This study has a purpose to illuminate the significance of Hong Haesung's acting theory on the basis of existing studies & researches that focus upon the influential relationship between Stanislavsky and Hong Haesung. For this purpose, I have tried to indicate problems reflected in formal researches & studies. Hong Haesung firmly maintains totally different acting perspective from that of Stanislavsky. Hong Haesung has pursued after ‘acting of re-presentation' which is fundamentally different from Stanislavsky's ‘acting of impersonation'(or ‘internalizing one's character'). It was Cocqulin, an actor, who has most insisted on ‘re-presentational acting'. If one is aware of Cocqulin's acting theory within the relationship with Denis Diderot, it is quite clear that the starting point of Hong Haesung's acting theory does not begin with Stanislavsky. He has worked as an actor in Sukiji small theatre as to obtain practical knowledges necessary for educating actors. And he has built up his own acting system by dissolving partial knowledges obtained from his abundant book readings to his own stage experience. At his time, most of theatre artists were either obsessed in merely introducing western theories or chasing after a vague dream of being stage artists to earn their living. In such an era, it was Hong Haesung who, on the base of his own acting experiences, has strived for endless researches and serious thoughts upon the art of acting; leaving the future theatre artists with his records and documents made through an actual practical experiences rather than from that of theories for theories' sake.
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본고는 노론 낙론계에 속하는 삼연 김창흡의 시경설에 대해 같은 계열의 후학인 담헌 홍대용이 평한 ｢시전변의｣를 대상으로, 담헌이 삼연의 시경설을 평가한 특징과 의미를 서술한 논문이다. 결과적으로 볼 때 삼연의 시경설에는 부분적이긴 하지만 탈주자적인 면모가 엿보임을 확인할 수 있으며, 담헌의 경우 개별 시편의 이해나 시경학 총론의 입장에서 삼연의 설을 일부 수용하지만 상당수의 시편의 경우 주자의 시경설 안에서 해석하려는 경향이 있음을 알 수 있었다. 그리고 각자의 성격적인 측면에서 삼연의 경우 학술이나 사고방식 면에서 보다 개방적인 시각을 보이고 있음에 비해, 상대적이긴 하지만 담헌은 보다 온건하고 보수적인 측면이 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 그리고 세부적으로는 담헌이 평한 부분은 총 서른네 편인데, 이 중에서 타당하다고 본 것은 열 한 편이고 일부만 타당하다고 본 것이 열 편이며, 삼연의 설이 잘못되었다고 본 것이 열세 편이다. 이를 볼 때 삼십 퍼센트 정도는 삼연의 설이 옳다고 보았으나, 나머지 칠십 퍼센트 정도에는 보완과 수정의 필요성을 제기하고 있다. 이러한 결과를 놓고 볼 때, 담헌의 비평은 기본적으로 주자와 삼연 사이에서 나름의 균형을 유지하면서 보다 타당한 견해를 선택하는 방향으로 이루어졌다고 총평할 수 있다. 다만 담헌이 삼연의설에 부분 부정하거나 전면 부정을 한 경우 주자의 설을 따르는 경향이 많다는 것인데, 이런 경우에는 삼연보다는 주자의 설을 옹호하는 입장에 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. This research focused on Hong Daeyong(洪大容, 1731~1783; penname: Dam-heon)'s 詩傳辨疑 which Hong Daeyong who belonged to Nakschool of Noron evaluated Kim Chang-Hup(金昌翕, 1653~1722; penname: Samyeon)' s study of the Book of Odes(Shih-ching, one of the Confucian classics), and was written with the purpose of evaluation of characteristics and meaning about Sam-yeon's study of the Book of Odes. As a result, there was partially new aspect from Chu Hsi(1130~1200) in Sam-yeon's study of the Book of Odes. However, in case of Hong Daeyong, he had a tendency to translate within the view of Chu Hsi in terms of Micro and Macro aspect. Then, although Kim Chang-Hup had more open minded attitude in terms of academic tradition and thought patterns, Hong Daeyong seemed to have more modest and conservative. In detail, Hong Daeyong evaluated all 34 works, however, he viewed reasonable as 11 works, partial reasonable as 10, and not correct as 13 works. It can be seen 30 percents as reasonable, but 70 percents as needed of supplementation and correction. With given results, Hong Daeyong had a balance between Chu Hsi and Kim Chang-Hup, and he chose more reasonable view. However, Hong Daeyong had a tendency to follow Chu Hsi's point of view about the study of the Book of Odes, when Hong Daeyong tried to partial deny or total deny of Kim Chang-Hup's opinions. In the comparison with the study about the Book of Odes, Hong Daeyong's point of view about the Book of Odes was more lean on Chu Hsi's opinion rather than Kim Chang-Hup's.
태평천국의 대표적인 지도자들이라고 할 수 있는 홍수전, 양수청, 홍인간의 '중국' 인식을 분석하여 태평천국의 민족주의 사상을 살펴보았다. 홍수전의 문장 속에 보이는 '중국'은 대략 3가지 측면에서 검토가 가능하다. 첫째는 '번국(審國)'과 대응되는 '중국'개념이며, 둘째는 만주족에 침략을 당한 '중국'개념이다. 그리고 셋째는 최고 신 천부(天父, 하느님아버지)가 직접 통치를 하는 '중국'이다. 이러한 홍수전의 중국 인식은 태평천국 시기 내내 태평천국인들의 민족주의 사상을 규정하고 그 운동의 방향을 제시하는 역할을 하였다. 홍수전으로부터 권한을 위임받아 태평천국을 이끌었던 양수청이나 홍인간도 그러한 사상의 영향을 벗어나지 못하였다. 다만 양수청의 경우는 홍수전의 첫 번째 '중국'개념과 세 번째 '중국'개념을 결합하여, 모든 '번국'들, 즉 천하만국은 '천조(天祖)'인 중국의 권위에 귀순해야하며 통치를 받이야 한다는 개념으로 발전시키고 이를 청나라 만주족에 대항하는 태평천국 운동의 이념으로 삼았다. 나아가 홍수전의 두 번째 '중국'개념, 즉 만주족의 침략을 당한 '중국'개념을 더욱강화시켜, 혁명운동의 전면에 내걸었다. 홍인간의 경우는 앞의 두 사람 보다는 좀 더 근대적인 인식을 보여준다. '번국'이란 하나의 집단적인 '주변' 이 아니라 다양한 나라들이 존재한다는 것을 지적하고 그러한 나라들의 사회체제와 정치문화, 그리고 법률과 제도 과학기술 및 산업 등에 대해서 소개하였다. 태평천국은 서구의 프랑스나 영국처럼 한 지역과 한 종족을 기반으로 강력한 근대적 국민국가를 지향할 수도 있는 조건이었다. 그러나 이들은 '태평천국'의 타자로서 내부적으로는 청나라 만주족을 상정하고, 외부적으로는 '번국'을 주목하였다. 또 '태평천국'을 '중국'과는 별개의 나라 혹은 '중국'의 일부분으로 여긴 것이 아니라 '중국'을 대신하는 개념으로 이해하였다. '천국'은 바로 '중국'을 의미하기도 하였다. 그것은 동시에 전통중국에서 사용된 '천하'를 대신할 수 있는 단어이기도 했다. 또 태평천국 내부에서 '천왕' 홍수전은 최고신 천부의 아들로 자처하였기 때문에 전통적인 '천자'와 전혀 다르지 않은 존재이기도 했다. 이렇게 '전통'과 '근대'가 교묘하게 조합된 민족주의가 바로 태평천국의 민족주의였다. 전통시대 '천하국가'의 외형적인 기반, 즉 그 '사람'과 '영역'이 '국민국가'의 '국민'과'영토'로 재해석되었다. 태평천국의 민족주의 사상은 바로 전통의 '천하국가가 그 외형적인 모습을 바꾸지 않고 근대적인 '국민국가'로 전환하는 사상이었다고도 할 수 있을 것이다. The paper attempts to examine the nationalism of Taiping Tianguo, Heavenly Kingdom of Peace, through by analyzing the conception on 'Central Country(中國)' or 'China' of Hong Xiuquan, Yang Xiuqing and Hong Rengan, the representative leaders of the Taiping Rebellion. At first, the writer analyzes the word 'Central Country' in the documents written by Hong Xiuquan, the founder of the Kingdom, from three aspects: (ⅰ) the concept of the central country corresponded to the uncivilized surrounding countries(審國); (ⅱ) the concept of the country invaded and occupied by Manchus of Qing dynasty and (ⅲ) the concept of the holly nation which God the Father himself rules. These concepts of Hong Xiuquan had a broad and deep effect to the peoples of Taiping Tianguo during the rebellious period. Yang Xiuqing and Hong Rengan also received the powerful influence by the conception. In the case of Yang Xiuqing, however, strengthened the conception of the invaded China, and made it the main slogan to overthrow the Qing dynasty in the rebellious movement. Hong Rengan, unlike the other Hong and Yang, presented the more modernized suggestions in his document written in 1859. In his suggestions, he explained the nations of Europe or Asia which had been considered as the uncivilized and barbarous countries as the nations having pride in the sovereignty, civilization and history. Also he introduced the social systems and political culture, law and regime, technology and industry, etc, of the countries. Taiping Tianguo, such as France or England in Europe, might have become a powerful modern nation-state based on a people and a province of China. The leaders, however, considered Manchus of Qing dynasty as the enemy, and regarded their own country not as a small part of China but as the China itself. Moreover, in Taiping Tianguo, Hong Xiuquan called himself as the Son of God like as the Kings of Ancient China. To conclude, the nationalism of Taiping Heavenly Kingdom was the dexterously mixed one of the traditional and the modern conception.
Dynasty period, using Ji-Cho as the main ingredient. The official name of Jindo Hong-Ju is Traditional Red Liquor. Also, Hong-Ju which is red has a unique taste. The urpose of this study is to analyze the satisfaction and re-purchase intention of Jindo Hong-Ju. This paper investigates what determines the satisfaction and re-purchase intention of Jindo Hong-Ju for a consumer. There have been 300 samples and 250 returns. 212 of them are used for this study. The 212 samples are used to analyze the Jindo Hong-Ju. he main results are as follows. First, the multiple regression result shows that the consumer`s satisfaction for the Jindo Hong-Ju is affected by the ``Taste and Perfume``, ``Sales and distribution``, ``Price service``, and Hangover and health. Second, ``Advertisement and publicity` has no effect on satisfaction. Third, Jindo Hong-Ju`s satisfaction is positively affected by the re-purchase intention.
自2009年開始, 香港推行“334”新學制, 卽三年初中、三年高中、四年大學制。香港敎育局爲配合新高中課程發展, 發出『中國語文課程及評고指引(中四及中六-定稿)』, 把現行課程重新分爲九個學習範疇, 目的是讓學生獲得“全面而均衡的學習經歷”, 可是, 簡化字、異體字等基本的漢字知識還沒有列爲重點學習的部分。於是, 敎授這些實用的漢語知識的重任就落在專上院校的實用中文課程上。現時, 香港的專上院校分爲專上學院、大學兩類, 分別提供副學位、學位課程。過往, 學術界對大學的實用中文課程多有討論; 但專上學院則相對較少, 需要加以注意。 근大學一樣, 香港的副學位實用中文課程也包括簡化字等漢字知識, 學生需兼備“認讀”與“書寫”簡化字的能力, 要求比中學略高。惟因課程緊逼, 相關的漢字知識部分仍然欠缺系統性的敎授, 學生對於規範漢字的認識非常薄弱。中、港兩地接觸漸趨緊密, “漢字”是兩地書面語溝通的重要工具, 香港實在需要正視規範漢字的敎學狀況。新學制剛剛實施, 正爲推動漢字敎學提供一個良好的契機。本文主要從香港副學位實用中文課程一途, 正面硏究副學位現行的漢字敎學的狀況與定位; 側面探討課程的角色和功用, 擬就有關的課程、敎材、敎學法等提供一些分析和建議。 The new education policy “3-3-4”, which represents the three-year junior secondary, three-year senior secondary, and four-year undergraduate study, has been implemented in Hong Kong since 2009. To supplement with the new senior secondary curriculum development, the Education Bureau in Hong Kong released “Chinese Language Curriculum and Assessment Guide (Secondary 4-6)”. In the guide, the curriculum is restructured into 9 key learning areas, aiming at providing students with a comprehensive and balanced learning experience. However, basic knowledge of Han Characters including the simplified Chinese and the Chinese variants is not listed as one of those key learning areas. Hence, the responsibility of teaching such knowledge falls on tertiary institutions through Practical Chinese courses. Nowadays in Hong Kong, the two types of tertiary institutions, namely community colleges and universities, offer sub-degree and undergraduate degree programmes respectively. In recent years, there are numerous academic discussions related to Practical Chinese courses in universities. However, it is noteworthy that similar discussions in the context of community college are limited. Similar to the ones in universities, the Practical Chinese courses in community colleges include knowledge of Han characters such as the simplified Chinese. In these courses, students are expected to recognise and write simplified Chinese characters, and the requirements are usually higher than those in the secondary school curriculum. Nevertheless, owing to the tight teaching schedule in tertiary institutions, Han characters related content cannot be taught systematically, resulting in students` poor understanding of traditional Han characters. As the relationship between Hong Kong and China becomes closer, Han characters now become an inevitable tool of written communication among the two regions. Thus, awareness of teaching traditional, formal Chinese characters should be raised in Hong Kong. The imposition of the new curriculum offers a good opportunity to promote Han characters teaching. This article investigates the current situation of Han characters teaching and its positioning in the sub-degree level in Hong Kong, as well as exploring the corresponding roles and functions. Analyses and recommendations were also made to the course syllabus, teaching materials and teaching methodologies.
58 species are recorded from Korea based on re-examination of the previously reported material and study of a new one. Six new species (Rutidosoma koreanum Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n., Calosirus kwoni Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n., Mogulones kwoni Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n., Augustinus koreanus Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n., Ceutorhynchoides koreanus Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n. and Mecysmoderes koreanus Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n.) are described from Korea, and 5 species [Pelenomus waltoni (Boheman, 1843), Ceutorhynchus scapu/aris Gyllenhal, 1837, Hadroplontus ancora (Roelofs, 1875), Thamiocolus kerzhneri Korotyaev, 1980 and Glocianus fennicus (Faust, 1895)] are recorded from Korea for the first time. The new subgenera Heorutidosoma Korotyaev et Hong, subgen. n. and Coelioderes Korotyaev, subgen. n. are erected in Rutidosoma and Mecysmoderes, respectively. The following new species are described from the neighbouring countries: Ceutorhynchus japonicus Korotyaev, sp. n. from Japan (Honshu), very closely related to C. cochleariae Gyllenhal; Calosirus oxystoma Korotyaev, sp. n. from China, very similar to C. kwoni Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n.; Microplontus amurensis Korotyaev, sp. n. from Khabarovsk Territory of Russia; Mecysmoderes nipponicus Korotyaev, sp. n. from Japan (Honshu), very closely related to M koreanus Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n. New host plants are recorded for several species; the host of Phytobiomorphus variegatus (Hustache) is Lychnis sp. (Caryophyllaceae).
58 species are recorded from Korea based on re-examination of the previously reported material and study of a new one. Six new species (Rutidosoma koreanum Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n., Calosirus kwoni Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n., Mogulones kwoni Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n., Augustinus koreanus Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n., Ceutorhynchoides koreanus Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n. and Mecysmoderes koreanus Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n.) are described from Korea, and 5 species [Pelenomus waltoni (Boheman, 1843), Ceutorhynchus scapularis Gyllenhal, 1837, Hadroplontus ancora (Roelofs, 1875), Thamiocolus kerzhneri Korotyaev, 1980 and Glocianus fennicus (Faust, 1895)] are recorded from Korea for the first time. The new subgenera Heorutidosoma Korotyaev et Hong, subgen. n. and Coelioderes Korotyaev, subgen. n. are erected in Rutidosoma and Mecysmoderes, re- spectively. The following new species are described from the neighbouring countries: Ceutorhynchus japonicus Korotyaev, sp. n. from Japan (Honshu), very closely related to C. cochleariae Gyllenhal; Calosirus oxystoma Korotyaev, sp. n. from China, very similar to C. kwoni Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n.; Microplontus amurensis Korotyaev, sp. n. from Khabarovsk Territory of Russia; Mecysmoderes nipponicus Korotyaev, sp. n. from Japan (Honshu), very closely related to M. koreanus Korotyaev et Hong, sp. n. New host plants are recorded for several species; the host of Phytobiomorphus variegatus (Hustache) is Lychnis sp. (Caryophyllaceae).
The thought of Hong Xiuquan, the leader of the Taiping Rebellion(1850-64) in China, has been usually approached from social and political point of view. The religious aspect of his thought, in many case, has been neglected. This paper examines his religious thought and its background from the religious point of view. Expecially focusing on the mystical experience of Hong Xiuquan, the writer discusses the meaning of the revelation, the seal and the sword which he received from God in his experience. This paper approaches to the personal life of Hong Xiuquan, observes the occupation of his father, a village chief, and the Hong Xiuquan`s hope to be a government official which he after all failed to be. From this point of view, the paper concludes the sword and the seal received from God meant that Hong Xiuquan himself would become a God`s official, and that also he would be an emperor, that is a son of Heaven. The seal meant the emperor`s seal, and the sword also signified the emperor`s sword. For this reason this paper concludes that the God`s revelation, "Exterminate the demons!", "Slay the demons!" could be said that it was the emperor`s duty and mission to rule all the people of the world.