독립국가연합의 언어 상황

허승철,붸. 유. 미할첸코 한국러시아문학회 1993 러시아 소비에트 문학 Vol.4 No.1

우크라이나 고려인 문제 해결 과정 분석: 2006-2009년 법적지위 회복 과정을 중심으로

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2022 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.76 No.-

While 13,000 ethnic Koreans as Ukrianian citizens live in Ukraine, 10,000-20,000 Koreans live there as illegal residents. Most of them moved from Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan and Tajikistan as so-called “sezonnik(seasonal labor migrants)”. After the collapse of the Soviet Union most of them continued to live in Ukraine without obtaining either Ukrainian or home country citizenship. As illegal residents these Koreans live like refugees without legal protection and social security benefits. The Korean Embassy in Ukraine conducted a social survey on the scope and the condition of illegal Korean residents in Ukraine in 2006. With the result of this survey, the Korean Embassy created a program to render support and legal assistance to stabilize the legal status of these illegal ethnic Koreans. It created a special committee with the Ukrainian government to solve problems related to illegal Korean residents. As the result of these coordinated efforts, in three years 324 Koreans obtained citizenship or green card of Ukraine or Uzbekistan, and some 600 Koreans registered as temporary resident. Although the special committee ceased to work in 2010, the process to stabilize the legal status of Koreans in Ukraine continued. So far some 1,000 Koreans have obtained either citizenship or green card. Support for Koreans living in Ukraine has been extended to economic life and education for their children. In 2009 the National Assembly of Korea passed a law for the stabilization of the legal status and stable settlement of Koreans living in the region of the former Soviet Union. The case of stabilizing the legal status of Koreans in Ukraine can be adopted as a model to solve problems of Koreans residing in countries of the former Soviet Union.

우크라이나 야누코비치 정권 붕괴의 국내 정치ㆍ경제 요인 분석

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2014 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.46 No.-

After the collapse of Yanukovich regime, Ukraine has plunged into a chaotic situation with the annexation of Crimea by Russia and the bloody conflicts in eastern provinces of Ukraine. Although the refusal of signing of EU Cooperation Treaty by the Yanukovich government triggered the peaceful demonstration, which eventually brought about the collapse of the regime, the fundamental causes of Yanukovich's dramatic fall are the oppressive and ill-concieved policies in domestic politics and economy. In addition to that, Yanukovich's personal shortcomings and lack of capacity as state leader have contributed to his downfall in a negative way. All these causes worked as 'intermediate causes' of the collapse of the regime, if we apply Joseph Nye's three different levels of causes of war or unexpected upheavals. First, Yanukovich did not take note of the fact that his regime had a weak political mandate from the beginning and did not try to widen the base of the political support. Instead he took coercive measures and started political oppression, imprisoning political opponents such as Tymoshenko and Lutsenko. Secondly, he did not take any effective measure to rescue the country from the economic crisis, ensuring financial assistance from Western countries and lowering the price of gas imported from Russia. As the result of these, his supporting ratio plunged to the dismal level of 10-15% just in one year after the inauguration. The wide spread corruption and the greedy accumulation of wealth by so-called Yanukovich 'family', monopolizing lucrative projects and capturing state-run enterprises, made oligarchies withdraw the support for Yanukovich regime. Although the crisis in Ukraine calls for multi-dimensional analyses, it is necessary to perceive that Yanukovich himself, more than anything else, is to blame for the collapse of the regime and Russia suffered serious setbacks twice in Ukraine, including 'the Orange Revolution', because Russia selected Yanukovich as the leader of pro-Russian camp in Ukraine.

항문직장내압 검사의 성별 및 연령에 의한 영향

허승철,강성범,박규주,박재갑 대한대장항문학회 2009 Annals of Coloproctolgy Vol.25 No.5

Purpose: This study was performed to evaluate the effects of age and sex on anorectal manometry. Methods: Seventy-four consecutive patients who underwent surgery for sigmoid colon cancer and who had neither anal disorders nor colonic obstruction were included in this study. There were 45 men and 29 women, and the mean age was 58.6. Pressure measurements used both the rapid and the station pull-through (RPT and SPT) methods, and volume measurements used a balloon-tipped catheter. Three pressure indices (vector volume, maximal pressure, and mean pressure), three sphincter length indices (sphincter length, high pressure zone [HPZ] length, and maximal pressure position), and three volume indices (minimal sensory volume, maximal tolerance volume, and rectoanal inhibitory reflex) were analyzed. Results: Squeezing pressures were higher in men than in women, especially in the RPT method, while resting pressures were not different. Sphincter length and HPZ length were not different between the sexes, but the maximal pressure position was farther from the anal verge in men. Rectal volume indices were not different between the sexes. The resting and squeezing pressures decreased linearly with aging in men, but not in women. The differences in squeezing pressures between men and women were evident in their forties and fifties, but decreased gradually with aging, with no differences being observed in their seventies. With aging, the minimal sensory volume increased in women, and the maximal tolerance volume increased in men. Conclusion: Anal canal pressures and volume indices are influenced by sex, age, and measurement method. Therefore, sex, age, and measurement method must be considered in the evaluation and application of anorectal manometry. Purpose: This study was performed to evaluate the effects of age and sex on anorectal manometry. Methods: Seventy-four consecutive patients who underwent surgery for sigmoid colon cancer and who had neither anal disorders nor colonic obstruction were included in this study. There were 45 men and 29 women, and the mean age was 58.6. Pressure measurements used both the rapid and the station pull-through (RPT and SPT) methods, and volume measurements used a balloon-tipped catheter. Three pressure indices (vector volume, maximal pressure, and mean pressure), three sphincter length indices (sphincter length, high pressure zone [HPZ] length, and maximal pressure position), and three volume indices (minimal sensory volume, maximal tolerance volume, and rectoanal inhibitory reflex) were analyzed. Results: Squeezing pressures were higher in men than in women, especially in the RPT method, while resting pressures were not different. Sphincter length and HPZ length were not different between the sexes, but the maximal pressure position was farther from the anal verge in men. Rectal volume indices were not different between the sexes. The resting and squeezing pressures decreased linearly with aging in men, but not in women. The differences in squeezing pressures between men and women were evident in their forties and fifties, but decreased gradually with aging, with no differences being observed in their seventies. With aging, the minimal sensory volume increased in women, and the maximal tolerance volume increased in men. Conclusion: Anal canal pressures and volume indices are influenced by sex, age, and measurement method. Therefore, sex, age, and measurement method must be considered in the evaluation and application of anorectal manometry.

구소련의 언어동화와 이중언어 사용에 대한 연구

許勝澈 건국대학교 중원인문연구소 1994 중원인문논총 Vol.13 No.-

The Soviet census data, in their publicized form, have shortcomings to represent the language situation in detail and proper ways. A statistical method, name "Speaker-composition analysis." provides us much more useful information and has us gain on insight into hidden aspects of the Soviet language situation. Major changes in the period between 1959 and 1979 are the spread of Russian as a second language among non-Russian nationalities, and its substitution of indigenous national languages as the first language. Nationality groups with a relatively large population size and dislocated people went through the second stage and, consequently, their national languages are in danger of extinction. Any new language policy devised by newly independent republics should be based on the objective and detailed analysis like this study. When this study is combined with the last Soviet census of 1989, it will serve as a very useful basic study on the Soviet language situation.

우크라이나의 이중 언어 상황과 언어의 정치학

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2009 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.30 No.-

Ukraine is a bilingual state in a practical sense, where most citizens have command of both Ukrainian and Russian. After the independence, Ukraine has conducted a relatively effective language policy compared to other newly independent states, which can be characterized as a gradual and tolerant policy for language diversity. The language situation in Ukraine, however, has changed recently due to an overt manifestation of regional and political cleavage. After the so-called Orange Revolution, the language question became a political issue in Ukraine and the influence of the Russian government has played a role to turn the language question to a politically thorny issue. In this article, firstly, the role of the language policy in a country like Ukraine, where political, regional and cultural cleavages still prevail the political discussions is analyzed. For an objective picture of the bilingual society, the language situation is analyzed, utilizing various statistical data. The status of the Ukrainian language in the constitution and in other laws is examined to depict the process of the status planning for the Ukrainian language. Lastly, recent political discussions and debates concerning the language issue among major political parties and leading politicians are examined to measure the influence of politics on the language policy. In sum, recently the language question has been politicized too much in Ukraine and, consequently, has undesirable effects on the language situation. The most important task is to depoliticize the language issue and then to pursue an effective policy for the national development.

政治權力 關係에 있어서 支配 服從의 型態的 考察

許承喆 제주대학교 1974 논문집 Vol.6 No.-

The palitical relation in the real situation returns to a concrete act of human, and the concret act of human is done according to the political power. In other words, the political power is a Psychological relotion between and man being ruled. Although the political reation is completed by individual act of human in view of achieving a power ambition, the achievement is done by grop act of human which are of rules and orders of a society. But it socialoze the power and the faction of rule in any casses. Power is net originalited from the only force of a ruler or group of rulers, but it is originalited when man, group or class being ruled, has obedience will. And a political relation shows as a relation of rule = obedience. So we classify the types of rule and obedience and analyse the contents of them, and we have to adopt social propriety and·ethic right fulness of the rule and obedience as a doctrine of lead in rule and obedience. In this essay I especially emphasis that the aim of political power and the content of ideal has to be in accord with the ethic principle bothe ruler and man being ruled have to adopt the above mentioned as a practical guide post.

우크라이나 야누코비치 정권의 외교 정책 평가

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2012 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.40 No.-

Yanokovich administration in Ukraine was expected to have close and friendly relations with the Russian Federation when Yanukovich was elected as president in 2010. This expectation, however, has turned out to be incorrect after two years of the new administration. Yanukovich administration not only has ruined the cooperative relationship with the West, but also has failed to attain the major goals in the relations with Russia such as lowering gas price and ensuring economic support. These disastrous foreign policy outcomes have had many observers wonder whether Yanukovich administration has the clear vision on its foreign policy and is capable to evaluate the objective diplomatic situation which Ukraine faces now. This study evaluates diplomatic courses of each administration of Ukraine after the independence according to the classification of passive balanced diplomacy, active balanced diplomacy, pro-western diplomacy and pro-Russian diplomacy. Then major developments in diplomatic relations with Russia, Europe and the United States during Yanukovich administration are examined and evaluated. Assuming the major reason for an unsuccessful foreign policy of current regime is attributed to the regressive and authoritarian domestic policy, the paper examines how the regressive domestic policy, especially Tymoshen- ko's imprisonment, has made disastrous impacts on foreign policy. The overall unfavorable international situation surrounding Ukraine, along with the fundamental differences in foreign policy goals between Ukraine and Russia are also evaluated. The capability of conducting a wise and optimal foreign policy of Yanukovich administration, including president's personal ability on diplomacy, is far short in dealing with difficult diplomatic situations which Ukraine encounters now. The geopolitical situation of Ukraine and the relatively short history of diplomacy after the independence show that the optimal model for foreign policy for Ukraine is an active balanced policy, which Kuchma's first administration pursued most successfully. It is certain that the best diplomatic course for Ukraine, as of now, is to strengthen the cooperative relationship with the West and at the same time, utilizing this as a leverage, to hold a strong and sovereign position to deal with Russia. However the first step to this course is not easy to take because of weak positon of Yanukovich regime in domestic politics and lack of will to abandon the authoritarian policy. As long as Yanukovich administration holds the current course and fails to improve the relationship with the West, Ukraine is more likely to fall closely into Moscow's orbit. An active balanced foreign policy can be expected during the next administration for which Tymoshenko, Tigopko or Yatseniuk could be contenders.

구소련 지역 한인의 언어 동화와 이중언어 사용에 대한 사회언어학적 연구 : 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989년 인구센서스 언어 자료 분석

허승철 在外韓人學會 1996 在外韓人硏究 Vol.6 No.1

Surgical Treatment of a Parastomal Hernia

허승철,오흥권,송윤숙,서미선,최은경,유승범,박규주 대한대장항문학회 2011 Annals of Coloproctolgy Vol.27 No.4

Purpose: Parastomal hernia is a major complication of an intestinal stoma. This study was performed to compare the re- sults of various operative methods to treat parastomal hernias. Methods: Results of surgical treatment for parastomal hernias (postoperative recurrence, complications and postoperative hospital stays) were surveyed in 39 patients over an 11-year period. The patients enrolled in this study underwent surgery by a single surgeon to exclude surgeon bias. Results: Seventeen patients were male, and twenty-two patients were female. The mean age was 65.9 years (range, 36 to 86 years). The stomas were 35 sigmoid-end-colostomies (90%), 2 loop-colostomies (5%), and 2 double-barrel-colostomies. Over half of the hernias developed within two years after initial formation. Stoma relocation was performed in 8 patients, suture repair in 14 patients and mesh repair in 17 patients. Seven patients had recurrence of the hernia, and ten patients suffered from complications. Postoperative complications and recurrence were more frequent in stoma relocation than in suture repair and mesh repair. Emergency operations were performed in four patients (10.3%) with higher incidence of complications but not with increased risk of recurrence. Excluding emergency operations, complications of relocations were not higher than those of mesh repairs. Postoperative hospital stays were shortest in mesh repair patients. Conclusion: In this study, mesh repair showed low recurrence and a low complication rate with shorter hospital stay than relocation methods, though these differences were not statistically significant. Further studies, including randomized tri- als, are necessary if more reliable data on the surgical treatment of parastomal hernias are to be obtained. Purpose: Parastomal hernia is a major complication of an intestinal stoma. This study was performed to compare the re- sults of various operative methods to treat parastomal hernias. Methods: Results of surgical treatment for parastomal hernias (postoperative recurrence, complications and postoperative hospital stays) were surveyed in 39 patients over an 11-year period. The patients enrolled in this study underwent surgery by a single surgeon to exclude surgeon bias. Results: Seventeen patients were male, and twenty-two patients were female. The mean age was 65.9 years (range, 36 to 86 years). The stomas were 35 sigmoid-end-colostomies (90%), 2 loop-colostomies (5%), and 2 double-barrel-colostomies. Over half of the hernias developed within two years after initial formation. Stoma relocation was performed in 8 patients, suture repair in 14 patients and mesh repair in 17 patients. Seven patients had recurrence of the hernia, and ten patients suffered from complications. Postoperative complications and recurrence were more frequent in stoma relocation than in suture repair and mesh repair. Emergency operations were performed in four patients (10.3%) with higher incidence of complications but not with increased risk of recurrence. Excluding emergency operations, complications of relocations were not higher than those of mesh repairs. Postoperative hospital stays were shortest in mesh repair patients. Conclusion: In this study, mesh repair showed low recurrence and a low complication rate with shorter hospital stay than relocation methods, though these differences were not statistically significant. Further studies, including randomized tri- als, are necessary if more reliable data on the surgical treatment of parastomal hernias are to be obtained.