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본 연구는 ‘한국광고홍보학보'의 창간호부터 2010년 가을호까지 발행된 316편의 논문을 대상으로 저자, 연구주제 및 매체, 연구방법, 분석방법 등의 내용분석을 통해 그동안 대표적인 광고/홍보학술지에 게재된 논문의 내용분석을 하기 위함이다. 내용분석의 결과를 살펴보면, 첫째, 2004년 이후 발행 호수가 늘어나면서 논문 수와 평균 저자의 수가 증가함과 동시에 최근 공동연구의 비중이 높아지는 것으로 조사되었다. 둘째, 연구주제에서는 광고 및 홍보, 마케팅활동의 효과를 분석한 연구의 비중이 가장 높았으며, 이러한 경향은 후반기로 갈수록 더욱 뚜렷해졌다. 셋째, 매체 부분에서는 매년 꾸준히 연구되는 TV와 2000년대 초반부터 활발히 연구되는 인터넷이 가장 많이 다루어지는 매체인 것으로 조사되었으며, 최근 CATV, IPTV, 디지털 방송 등이 새롭게 연구되어지는 것으로 드러났다. 넷째, 연구방법에서는 설문조사가 가장 많이 사용되었고, 그 다음으로 실험연구, 내용분석, 문헌연구의 비중이 높았으며, 대학생, 일반성인, 업계종사자 순으로 표본을 많이 사용하는 것으로 조사되었다. 다섯째, 통계분석방법에서는 변량분석, 요인분석, t-검정, 회귀분석 등이 많이 사용되는 것으로 나타났으며, 후반기로 갈수록 Amos, Lisrel 등 고급통계의 사용이 증가하였다. 발행 12년의 역사를 가진 ‘한국광고홍보학보'의 논문들을 각 항목에 따라 분석을 실시함으로써 그동안의 흐름과 동향을 파악하고, 향후 연구주제와 나아갈 방향에 대한 지침을 제시하는 데 본 연구의 의의가 있다고 하겠다. A content analysis was conducted of the articles published in ``The Korean Journal of Advertising and Public Relations`` between 1999 and 2010. The study examines 316 articles to investigate publication productivity, topic trends, research and statistic methods. The results indicate that the number of articles and the average number of authors has increased since 2004. On the contribution, co-authored research articles have increased over time. For the analyses of articles` content, this study finds that the most popular topics are ``AD/PR/marketing effects``, followed by management and society. Furthermore, popular media studied were Internet and TV, and Cable TV, IPTV, and digital broadcasting were recently studied. For the research methods, survey(35.4%) was the most frequently used method, followed by experiment(22.5%) and content analysis(16.1%), and ANOVA, factor analysis, regression, and t-test were often used for data analyses. This study is meaningful in the way that the results guide researchers in designing the future courses by shedding light on past progress and limitations, and provide an evidential document of scholars` contributions to the research in ``The Korean Journal of Advertising and Public Relations``.
During the Joseon dynasty period, most of the Gun and Hyeon units were equipped with a Sajik-dan/社稷壇 altar, a Yeo-dan/?壇 altar, a Seonghwang-sa/城隍祠 shrine, and a Munmyo/文廟 shrine. In most of the regions Sajik-dan and Yeo-dan were located respectively in the Seogyo/西郊(Western outskirt) and Bukgyo/北郊(Northern outskirt) areas, and even with the passage of time such location virtually never changed. In the meantime, the location of Seonghwang-sa units significantly varied from region to region, and from period to period. The Seonghwang-sa shrines in the early days of Joseon showed even distribution in terms of direction, and the trend of placing the shrine at an obligatory spot, the Namgyo/南郊(Southern outskirt) area, was simply weak or not existent. Yet《Yeoji Doseo/輿地圖書》, published in the 18th century during the reign of King Yeongjo, indicates that such trend came to existence during the latter half period of Joseon. Such trend was vivid in the Gyeongsang-do region, while being relatively weaker in other regions. This trend, just like the trend of placing Sajik-dan and Yeo-dan in the Seogyo and Bukgyo areas, had something to do with embracing the Hongmu-era ceremonial protocols. In terms of local Seonghwang services, Joseon dynasty completely denounced the Goryeo era practices, and tried to observe local Seonghwang ceremonies based upon the Hongmu-era ceremonial protocols, and after a series of enhancing and reasserting, the Joseon society and government finally completed the local Seonghwang memorial service institution, based upon Hongmu protocols, during King Seongjong's reign. Inspired by the Seonghwang-dan altar of wind, cloud, thunder, rain, mountain and streams(風雲雷雨山川城隍壇), the Joseon people came to place Seonghwangdan units in the obligatory spots, Namgyo areas. Unlike Sajik-dan and Yeo-dan, which had not existed before, Seonghwang-sa shrines which housed local Seonghwang figures were already established in most of the regions during the early days of Joseon, and most of them had been there since the Goryeo dynasty period. In structural terms they were not altars(祭壇) but shrines(祠廟), and were not located in Namgyo areas. So in order to observe and abide by Hongmu protocols and establish Seonghwang- dan altars, the existing Seonghwang-sa shrines had to be brought down and abolished('廢祠設壇'). Yet such practices were not being done by the government in a unilateral fashion, and were only being conducted inside local areas in a random fashion. And to the Hyangri clerks and ordinary people the existing Seonghwang-sa shrines were still very important. So in the Joseon dynasty's early days, only few regions showed such changes, and in most of the regions the Seonghwang-sa shrines continued to exist and be respected. This situation remained the same for quite some time. But as the people's understanding of Neo-Confucianism grew, a new world perspective that considered the Sino-centric order based upon ceremonial protocols & teaching to be universal values and source of obligation spreaded throughout the local regions. Such practices started to occur in a concentrated fashion everywhere in the country, roughly around the 1670s. And that was the reason that the 'Namgyo' trend became vivid in this period, the latter half period of Joseon. In the meantime, because the practice of 'abolishing shrines and establishing altars(廢祠設壇)' happened everywhere inside local communities at the time, conflicts between local administrators & local Sajok influentials and local Hyangri clerks and ordinary civilians continued to occur over the issue, reflecting various situations that existed inside local regions. They displayed both a general trend and also regional characteristics, while some regions did not display such practice at all. That resulted in the 'Namgyo trend' and other various kinds of activities in local regions.
The modifications made to the Seonghwang-je services during the transitional period between Goryeo and Joseon dynasties, were arranged out of a strong denial(negation) of the existing community-wide Seonghwang-je practices that had been led by the local influentials(Hyangri) and conducted as an official function. Such modification opted to establish the Ming dynasty's local Seonghwang protocols(which were developed by the founder of the Ming dynasty and were new ones even in China as well) as the legitimate and main protocols(正祀) for the Seonghwang-je practice in Joseon. This task of modification began in 1392, the first year of king Taejo's reign, and continued during the early days of the Joseon dynasty, motivated by considerable changes in environment that involved the Seonghwang-je practice and took place during the ending days of the Goryeo dynasty. In July 1370(19th year of king Gongmin-wang's reign), Ming's imperial edict was sent to the Goryeo government. This edict was originally issued earlier in June the same year, and contained Ming government's order (for the Goryeo dynasty) to get rid of the existing practice of bestowing titles(封號), and the renaming of various entities, like natural geographic figures(mountains and streams) and the Seonghwang figures(嶽鎭海?城隍諸神). Regarding the local Seonghwang figures' titles, it was ordered only to name them with administratively discerning titles and with no other bestowed titles whatsoever. Due to this new protocol, special occasions in which certain Seonghwang figures from several regions which were acknowledged with their own miraculous qualities were exceptionally given with official titles and registered in the memorial service roster(祀典), ceased to exist. And the dynastic service roster came to show no local Seonghwang figures registered. This renaming of the Seonghwang figures was an attempt of negating and dismantling the existing mentality toward Seonghwang figures and the religious customs that involved them. Ming dynasty was strongly urging Goryeo to do so, and the reason that Ming tried to bring modifications to even the Goryeo dynasty's memorial services for the mountains and streams, was because it developed a new kind of perception toward the natural figures not only in China but also inside adjacent subordinate states(藩屬國). Ming considered the mountains and streams in countries that pledged loyalty as a vassal(臣附) to China, as entities the very same with China's own mountains and streams. In other words, Ming considered them all objects of memorial services that should be held, carried and overseen by the emperor himself. This perception was indeed a new one, and was essentially extending the ceremonial and ritual protocols of the master country(천자국) to the vassal states, opening a new chapter in the sino-centered traditional order. Ming dynasty's order to Goryeo to change its own internal practices and protocols was to urge the Goryeo people to observe and abide by this universal cause, and relevant course of actions. Yet, on the other hand, apparently Goryeo as a whole was not that acceptive to this kind of urging. The environment was not so welcoming to such demand. The order itself, and the Neo-Confucian nuances and aspiration embedded inside that order should have been warmly considered by the newcomer Goryeo scholar-officials of the time(both philosophically and epistemologically). Those Goryeo scholar-officials must have perceived Ming's order not as a threatening display of force but as a suggestion of a course of action based upon universal order and ritual protocols. Yet, there is no concrete reference to Goryeo people's acceptance and compliance to such order, and it seems that was because of the ever changing political landscape of the Goryeo dynasty at the time, which was witnessing the assassination of king Gongmin-wang and the killing of a Ming emissary that ensued, events that must have made it difficult for the scholar-officials to
최근 사용자와 컴퓨터간의 상호작용이 가능한 사용자 인터페이스(UI, User Interface)에 대한 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있다. 이중 키보드나 마우스, 리모컨과 같은 별도의 입력장치가 없이 뇌의 활동으로부터 발생하는 생체신호를 이용하여 사용자의 생각만으로 컴퓨터와 커뮤니케이션을 할 수 있는 뇌만으로 컴퓨터와 커(BCI, Brain-Computer Interface) 시스템이 각광을 받고 있다. 본 연구에서는 뇌의 생체신호로는 뇌전도도(EEG, Electroencephalogram)를 사용하였으며, 이를 통하여 P300 speller 실험을 수행하였다. P300 speller 실험을 통하여 발생된 뇌전도도를 취합하여 P300(사건 관련 전위(ERP, Event-related potential)에서 자극 제시 약 300msec 후에 정점에 달하는 정파)을 분석하였다.
The local defense system in the early Koryo dynasty can be summarized that local defense was grounded on the community self-defense capability of each region in spite of centralism. Thus, each kunhyun(郡縣) meant to be the unit of defense system. Koryo people in each kunhyun had been able to defend themselves centering on the local fortress as the center of their administrative control. The Mongol invasion marked a turning point in the manner of such a local defense system of Koryo dynasty. While the policy of relocating people to mountain fortresses and islands was initiated, the local defense system in the early Koryo dynasty broke down. From the perspective of local defense system, defense sector was limited to border areas in the late Koryo dynasty. At that time, the central government played a leading role for local defense. 신라말·고려초를 경과하면서 성립된 고려시대적 지역방어체제는, 국가의 전국적인 지방 통제가 작동되는 중앙집권체제 속에서, 지역사회 - 일반적으로 지방행정구획을 권역으로 함 - 가 보유해 온 공동체적 자위력에 의해 지역방어가 이루어지는 방식이었다. 곧 그것은 지역사회의 자위 역량이 국가체제 내로 포섭·활용되는 방식으로 구현된 것이라고 할 수 있다. 그것의 구체적 양상은 이러하였다. 지역방어는 기본적으로 주현과 속현의 구분 없이 개별 지역사회의 공동체적 자위력을 활용하고 있었다. 그리고 이것과 맞물려 전래의 자위적 방어력을 제도적으로 포용·활용하였다고 할 수 있는 지방군은 주현과 속현의 구분 없이 군현마다 설치되고 있었고, 지역방어 역시도 이러한 지역범위를 단위로 하여 이루어지고 있었다. 또한 지방군을 군사력으로 한 개별 군현 단위의 지역방어가 이루어지는데 있어, 군사·방어의 거점으로 기능한 것은 그곳 중심지에 자리한 성, 일반적으로는 "치소가 위치한 성"이 되고 있었다. 지역사회의 공동체적 자위력이 활용되었고 주현과 속현의 구분 없이 그곳 중심지에 자리한 성을 군사 거점으로 한 방어가 이루어진 고려전기의 지역방어체계는, 몽골 침입에의 대응을 계기로 하여 군사적 측면만을 고려하여 선택된 방어처에 유사시 복수의 군현이 입보·방어하는 방식(山城海島入保策)이 시행되면서 사실상 붕괴되었다. 한편 이러한 상황에서 새로운 방어방식이 대두하였으니, 제2차 일본 원정 이후로 이루어진 연해 요해처에 한정된 상시적 방어 방식이 그것이었다. 고려말기의 지역방어체제는 이것이 기본적으로 지속되면서 변형·보완된 것이었다. 고려말기의 지역방어는 기본적으로 외적의 진입 지역, 달리 말해 邊境에 국한하여 이루어지고 있었다. 당시에는 변경 지대에 한정 분포된 방어처(수소·구자)를 군사 거점으로 하여 방어가 이루어졌고, 이와 맞물려 상시 주둔 병력 또한 이곳에 몰려 있었다. 그리고 당시 지역방어는 철저히 국가 주도의 성격을 지니고 있었다. 대몽전쟁·원간섭기를 경과하면서 고려전기의 그것과 이질적인 것으로 전환된 고려말기의 지역방어체제는 조선에 들어서도 여전히 작동되었다. 그것의 구체적인 면모들은 조선초기를 경과하면서 변화해갔지만 그 기본적인 구조는 변화 없이 지속되어, 성종대 성립된 조선초기 지역방어체제의 골간이 되고 있었다.
This study aims to review the overall characteristics of the local defense system in the early Koryo dynasty. It can be summarized that it was grounded on the regional community defense systems. I also found out that such regional community defense system did not operate itself but perform its role in the context of local defense system in Koryo dynasty. From the perspective of local defense system, the Koryo was dependent on the community self-defense capability of each region. Thus, each Kunhyun(郡縣) meant to be the unit of defense system. Koryo people in each Kunhyun had been able to defend themselves centering on the local castle as the center of their administrative control. It can be maintained that the Mongol invasion marked a turning point in the manner of such a local defense system of Koryo dynasty.
Although Lee Seong-gye became king, Lee Seong-gye group asked the Ming to approve that they would select Lee Seong-gye as temporary ruler, saying that the seat of monarch was empty. A month after that, Lee Seong-gye group asked the Ming to approve that Lee Seong-gye already became temporary ruler because of not being able to keep ruler position empty for a long time. These were difficult to find examples, and Lee Seong-gye group devised such ways in line with their ideology. Lee Seong-gye group initially did not think about revision of dynasty name. When asked what the name of the revised dynasty is from the Ming, they devised such a way that the Koryo dynasty raised two candidates of ‘Joseon' and ‘Hwaryeong' and then the Ming Emperor chose one of them. They considered ‘Joseon' as the dynasty name in line with their ideology. Lee Seong-gye group convinced that the Ming Emperor would choose ‘Joseon' that they preferred as dynasty name. As expected, the Ming Emperor chose ‘Joseon' as dynasty name. Therefore, they could not only have dynasty name in accordance with their own ideology, but they could also achieve the process of making dynasty name in accordance with their orientation.